Breaking the Cycle of Abuse from Victim to Offender

Breaking the cycle of abuse from victim to offender. The relationship between adverse childhood experiences (ACE’s) and sex offenders: A social work perspective.

Introduction

• What evidence is there of a link between sexual offenders and ACE’s? This will look at the relation between ACE’s and childhood violent/sexual offending.
• Is there a correlation between violent/sexual abuse and violent/sexual offences?
• What role can social work play in preventing or reducing violent/sexual offending? This will look at the best model of practice when working with violent /sexual offenders.

Chapter One

There have been various studies linking childhood experiences
to adult behaviour the most notable of these is the The Adverse Childhood Experiences Study (ACE Study) which was a research study
conducted by the American health maintenance
organization Kaiser Permanente and the Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention (Cdc.gov. 2014).Participants were recruited to the study
between 1995 and 1997 and have been in long-term follow up for health outcomes
(Anda and Felitti 2003). The study has demonstrated an association of adverse
childhood experiences (ACEs) with health and social problems across the natural
life of an individual (Anda et al 2005). One main criticism of this study
pertains to the

This ACE’s study identified
three main types of abuse; these are separated into ten categories:

1. Abuse: Physical, sexual and emotional
2. Neglect: Physical and emotional
3. Household disruption: Domestic violence, household substance misuse, household mental illness, parental separation or divorce and parental incarceration (Samhsa.gov.2018). 

References

• Anda, R,F. and Felitti, V,J (2003) Origind and Essence of the Study. [Online] Available from http://thecrimereport.s3.amazonaws.com/2/94/9/3076/acestudy.pdf Date accessed
•  Cdc.gov. (2014). About the CDC-Kaiser ACE Study Error processing SSI file. [online] Available at: https://www.cdc.gov/violenceprevention/acestudy/about.html [Accessed 8 Dec. 2018].
• Anda, R. F., Felitti, V. J., Bremner, J. D., Walker, J. D., Whitfield, C., Perry, B. D., Dube, S. R., and Giles, W. H. (2005). The enduring effects of abuse and related adverse experiences in childhood. A convergence of evidence from neurobiology and epidemiology. European archives of psychiatry and clinical neuroscience, 256(3), 174-86.
• Samhsa.gov. (2018). Adverse Childhood Experiences | SAMHSA. [online] Available at: https://www.samhsa.gov/capt/practicing-effective-prevention/prevention-behavioral-health/adverse-childhood-experiences [Accessed 8 Dec. 2018].

Is sexual offending by
juveniles significantly influenced by ACE’s?

Chapter Two: The cycle of abuse: is there any truth that victims will become offenders?

There has been a great deal of research into the link between
ACE’s and sexual offending behaviour against children later in life (Bagley,
Wood and Young, 1994; Burton, Miller and Shill, 2002; DeLisi, Kosloski, Vaughn,
Caudill and Trulson, 2014; Dennison and LeClerc, 2011; Felson and Lane 2009;
Hilton and Mezey 1996; Jespersen, Lalumiere and Seto 2009; Romano and De Luca,
1997; Whitaker et al., 2008). There are various psychological theories
that explore the nature of child sex abuse (CSA), these theories look to
explain why men commit child sex offences. They are unable to explain why the
majority of victims are female but the majority of child sex offenders are male
(Plummer and Cossins 2018).

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This has led to considerable
debate and research papers on the masculine aspects of child abuse, (Hanson and
Morton-Bourgon, 2005; Purvis and Ward, 2006; Richards, 2011 and Robertiello and
Terry, 2007). These research papers largely overlook female sex offenders and
they do not offer any theories regarding the role gender plays in CSA. This is
an oversight as none ask the question why men and not women have a higher risk
of becoming child sex offenders (Cossins, 2000).

These papers instead focus on the why behind the offending
behaviour this includes any ACE’s that may have occurred during childhood. This
lack of a theoretical framework is detrimental to discovering why sexually
abused males rather than sexually abused females are more likely to become
child sex offenders. The examination of the relationship between becoming
victim to offender in later life may relate to how the individual experiences
the abuse, the onset of puberty and sexual development and the image and
concept of masculinity (Messerschmidt, 2000). The statistical evidence verifies
the difference in gender for victims of CSA.

Studies done internationally
tracking the occurrence of CSA reveal that girls are more likely to be the
victims of sexual abuse than boys. Finkelhor (2008) stated that during the first
decade of this century there had been a decrease in the occurrence of CSA, this
was refuted by Pereda et al, (2009a) who determined that the occurrences of CSA
remained consistent as their study into 22 countries found that 19.7% of women
and 7.9% of men had experienced CSA before the age of 18. These finding were
strengthened by a more comprehensive study of 331 independent samples from 217
international publications between 1982 and 2008 which found the combined
occurrence of CSA of 18% for females and 7.6% for males (Stoltenborgh et al., 2011).
These studies clarify information regarding the gender of those victimised by
CSA although it does show significant differences across continents with
Australia having the highest occurrence for girls (21.5%) and Africa for boys
(19.3%) (Stoltenberg et al 2011). This information which shows the ratio of 2.5
women for every male victim of CSA (Pereda et al,. 2009b) and if following the
process that those who have been abused will in turn abuse there should be a
higher percentage of female abusers. This is not backed up by statistical
evidence as most victims both male and female where abused by adolescent males
or men known to the family (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2014,2015;
National Institute of Justice, 2003). The statistics do not answer what drives a
man to commit sex offense against children. Is child offending about violence,
sex, power, mental illness, personality disorders or deviance? These questions
remain unanswered and one of the main indicators of who will become a child sex
offender is gender (Murphy et al, 1996). This is due to the majority of CSA being
initiated and carried out by adolescent males and men with roughly 5% of
abusers being female (Williams and Bierie 2015). 

Most studies have relied on information gathered from those
who are within the prison system to determine the statistical evidence of ACE’s
within the offender population (Elliott, Browne and Kilcoyne 1995; Felson and
Lane 2009, Romano and De Luca 1997). There are inherent drawbacks to this
method as it is not representative of the general population and relies on self
reporting which criminal activity may be under or over reported. There is also
the consideration that there is no comparison within the prison population of
non-offenders (Simon and Wurtele and Durham 2008). These studies and others have
found that those who have been sexually abused less than 15 years of age are
significantly more likely to abuse younger victims.  These studies also found that those abused by
males have more indicators of sexual attraction to children (Burton, 2003;
Johnson and Knight, 2000; Kobayashi et al 1995; Marshall and Barbaree 1990;
Marshall and Marshall 2000; Seto 2008; Ward and Siegert 2002).

There have been conflicted findings regarding the age of
victims when they are abused, this may be in relation to methodology and the
variety of sample sizes in different studies (Goldman and Padayachi, 1997;
Gordon, 1990). Gordon (1990) discovered through the study of 585 men and women
within a community study that boys were older than girls at the on-set of the
abuse. In comparison a random community study of 2626 men and women that there
was no significant difference between ages at the on-set of abuse (Finkelhor
2008). The difference between these studies may be due to the age that the
abuse was reported as the child may have reached an age when they were able to
understand the nature of the abuse. This may also be in relation to changes in
behaviour becoming apparent and the authorities becoming involved. Clinical
studies have found no major age differences between genders (Briere et al,.
1988).Other studies have found that boys are most commonly younger than females
at the on-set of abuse. This would seem to indicate that the younger the
individual is at the on-set of abuse would increase the risk of later sexual
offending (Dejong et al 1983; Schaefer et al,. 2012).

This is contradicted by a study done by Ogloff et al (2012)
that found that 5% of male victims of sexual abuse were convicted of sexual
offending compared with 0.6% of male sex offenders who had no history of sexual
abuse. This study also found that age played a role in sexual offending against
a child, as those who had been abused aged 12 or over had a much higher
offending rate with 9.2% convicted of a sex offence. This study found that 10%
of boys who experienced CSA at age 12 or over when compared to boys who were 12
or under at the on-set of the abuse (0.1%).  The age at the on-set of abuse has been found
to be an indicator of later offending behaviours (Feiring et al,. 1999). This
may be in relation to the psychosexual development at that age due to the
on-set of puberty. This can also be linked with the psychological outcomes as
the abuse at this heightened time may cause a psychological association between
the sexual drive and abuse at they become intertwined within the psychological
and psychosexual development of the individual (Cutajar et al 2010).

The duration and frequency of abuse is linked with the more
serious types of abuse such as penetration (Bagley et al 1994). This can be
linked with the more negative and severe psychosocial outcomes (Briere et al,
1988; Bietchman et al, 1991; Burton et al, 2002; Hunter and Figueredo, 2000;
Ruggiero et al, 2000). Wellman (1993) surveyed 824 males and females and found
women reported much higher rates of abuse than their male counterparts. The
duration of abuse is normally much longer for females than males, Ullman and
Filipas (2005) found that women reported abuse over the span of years unlike
their male counterparts. A clinical sample of 365 adult respondents who had
been victims of CSA confirmed that women are abused over a longer period than
males (Kendall-Tackett and Simon 1992).

There have been studies which indicate the long term impact
of CSA to negative outcomes for the victims based on the duration of the abuse.
This should not imply that duration can be linked with the victim becoming an
offender. A clinical study done of 88 male victims of which 41 were child sex
offenders found that duration had little impact on offending behaviour (Lambie,
et al 2002). Other studies have found that in comparison the duration of abuse
can indicate the likelihood of offending behaviour. Victims of sustained and
lengthy periods of CSA were more probable to offend in later life (Burton et
al, 2002).

These studies into duration may be inconclusive as an
indicator of future offending behaviour. The use of studies into frequency of
CSA may provide greater clarity in indicating if an individual will display
offending behaviour in later life (Bietchman et al,. 1991; McClellan et al,.
1997; Nash et al,. 1993; Ruggiero et al 2000). A random community sample of 750
males revealed that those who had experienced a multitude of incidents of CSA
in comparison to males who had been the victim of a single incident or had no
experience with CSA were much more likely to sexual offend against a child or
adolescent in later life (Bagley et al,. 1994). A clinical study of 235 male
victims of CSA found that the frequency of CSA increased the likelihood of more
extreme abuse and that this has a greater impact on the developing psychosocial
and sexual development of the individual. This indicates that there is an
increased risk of sexual offending behaviour during adolescence and in later
life (Hunter and Figueredo 2000). In comparison Ogloff et al (2012) found that
the frequency does not impact on future offending behaviour.

The frequency of abuse may be an influencing factor in the
evolution from victim to offender although this does not answer why most
offenders are male. The above studies do not take into account that females are
more likely to have repeated incidents of CSA but do not become offenders (Singh,
Parsekar and Nair, 2014). The explanation for why more males who are victims of
CSA become offenders that female may be linked to the threshold of developing
sexually abusive behaviour based on the frequency and duration of abuse. Male
victims appear to have a much lower threshold than females before adapting
their behaviour into offending.  McClellan (1997) found in the study of 273
victims aged 5-18 years old who displayed sexually inappropriate behaviour that
females are more likely to develop reactive behaviours such as flirting or
inappropriate grabbing or touching. Males were more likely to develop
victimising sexual behaviour.  

The question of victim to offender cannot be answered without
looking at the gender of the abuser. The majority of child sex offenders are
male (Bendixen et al,. 1994; Faller, 1989; Mohler-Kuo et al 2014). Female child
sex offenders are more likely to abuse boys rather than girls (Dube et al,.
2005). Glasser et al, (2001) stated that the evolution from victim to offender
was most closely associated with female perpetrators and male victims. This
increased if the perpetrators where familial either a mother or sister. These
finding were collaborated by Briggs and Hawkins (1996) who found that CSA
committed by a female relative increased the likelihood of future offending
behaviour in comparison to a male relative. This cannot fully explain the
evolution from victim to offender as the majority of offenders are
predominantly male and as such gender may have little influence (McGufrey,
2008).

To understand the evolution from victim to offender an
important aspect is the psychological trauma undergone by the victim (Fondacaro
et al,. 1990; Herbert et al,. 2006). This includes the degree of helplessness
and loss of control felt by the victim. The upsurge of sexual aggression by a
male victim may relate to the confusion and anxiety felt during and after the
abuse. This may be an attempt to reassert their masculinity (Kobayashi 1995).
The relationship between victim and abuser plays an important role as this can
be an indicator of future offending behaviour. This perceived closeness by the
victim to the offender may impact on how the child perceives future
relationships (Wyre, 2000). There may be a level of dependency between victim
and offender and if this occurs and the victim perceives this abuse and
identifies it with affection, and acceptance this may become their norm (McAlinden,
2014).

There are studies which can find little or no evidence of a cycle
of abuse of victim to offender (Hanson and Slater 1998; Salter et al., 2003;
Thomas and Fremouw 2009; Wisdom and Ames 1994). Salter et al, (2003) used a
longitudinal study found that 26 individual out of the 224 (12%) that made up
the study later committed sexual offences predominantly against children. The
study had a follow up period of 7 to 19 years but it was discovered that the
offence occurred relatively quickly after the abuse. The average age that the
abuse occurred was 11 and the offence was committed was 14 years old. These
offenders were predominantly abused by female abusers and these adolescents had
at least 4 ACE’s. One criticism of Salter et al (2003) is the lack of a comparison
group of male offenders who had not been sexually abused (Jespersen, Lalumière and Seto, 2009). Other studies have
found that victims of CSA have other areas within the ACE’s categories that
impact on their offending behaviour. These studies argue that to say that those
abused will become abusers is simplifying a complex issue that has other
variables that should be taken into account (Cowburn and Dominelli, 2001;
Fisher and McDonald 1998; Freel 2003; Gold, Hughes and Swingle 1996; Little and
Hamby, 1999; Putnam 2003; Walrath et al 2003).

References

• Plummer, M. and Cossins, A. (2016). The Cycle of Abuse: When Victims Become Offenders. Trauma, Violence, & Abuse, 19(3), pp.286-304.
• Pereda, N., Guilera, G., Forns, M. and Gómez-Benito, J. (2009a). The international epidemiology of child sexual abuse: A continuation of Finkelhor (1994). Child Abuse & Neglect, 33(6), pp.331-342.
• Pereda, N., Guilera, G., Forns, M. and Gómez-Benito, J. (2009b). The prevalence of child sexual abuse in community and student samples: A meta-analysis. Clinical Psychology Review, 29(4), pp.328-338.
• Stoltenborgh, M., van IJzendoorn, M., Euser, E. and Bakermans-Kranenburg, M. (2011). A Global Perspective on Child Sexual Abuse: Meta-Analysis of Prevalence Around the World. Child Maltreatment, 16(2), pp.79-101.
• Australian Bureau of Statstics (2014).Recorded Crime – Victims Australia, 2013. Canberra: ABS
• National Institute of Justice (2003) Youth Victimization: Prevalence and Implications. Washington: US Department of Justice.
• McAlinden, A. (2014). ‘Grooming’ and the Sexual Abuse of Children. Oxford: OUP Oxford.
• Murphy, W. D., Haynes, M. R. and Smith, T. A. (1996).  Sex offenders against children. Empirical and clinical issues. In The APSAC Handbook on Child Maltreatment (eds Briere, J., Berliner, L and Bulkley, A.), Pg 175-192 London: Sage  
• Williams, K., and Bierie, D. (2015). An incident-based comparison of female and male sexual offenders. Sexual Abuse: A Journal of Research and Treatment, 27(3), 235–257.
• Jepersen,A., Lalumier, M. and Seto, M (2009). Sexual abuse history among adult sex offenders and non-sex offenders: A meta-analysis. Child abuse and Neglect, 33(3)., Pg 179-192
• Singh, M., Parsekar, S. and Nair, S. (2014). An epidemiological overview of child sexual abuse. Journal of Family Medicine and Primary Care, 3(4), p.430.