Marshall’s Theory of Citizenship

Marshall’s theory of citizenship and its relevance in
Britain in 2017

Introduction

Marshall’s citizenship theory is concerned with social rights, education, and voting. Marshall’s theory on citizenship is compatible with Britain in 2017 due to the fact that schools are influenced by ideological, economic, and cultural forces, and citizenship considers the way in which education functions in class formation, struggle, capital accumulation, and the legitimation of the privileges of dominant groups (Apple, 2017:4). In fact, there is no doubt that schools are institutions of economic and cultural reproduction (Apple, 2017). Similarly, Marshall (2009:149) opines that the institutions most closely connected to citizenship and civilisation are the educational system and the social services. Citizenship has also raised questions on the sense of social solidarity and integration in any given community (Turner, 1990). Thus, citizenship, and every idealised version of it, holds relevance today. Marshall’s theory in particular, has relevance in 2017 due to the fact that there are several distinct forms of citizenship, and each can be understood by taking Marshall’s vision of citizenship as a whole, rather than a sum of parts.

Turner
(1997) notes that society is faced with two contradictory principles: scarcity
and social solidarity. Scarcity results in exclusionary events such as gender
divisions, social classes, and status groups, whilst social solidarity requires
cohesive community structures, regardless of one’s social standing (Turner,
1997). Gender divisions are the one area that Marshall’s theory on citizenship
fails to consider.

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In
addition to the above characteristics of Marshall’s theory, Marshall’s theory
on citizenship considered legal rights as the first form of citizenship
(Turner, 1997). In the 19^th century, political rights and their
institutionalisation in parliament was Marshall’s second notion of citizenship
(Turner, 1997). Next, Marshall believed that citizenship was related to social
rights, and that those social rights were institutionalised in the welfare
state (Turner, 1997). When considering these three forms of rights, Marshall
argued that citizenship mitigates the inequalities created by capitalism
(Turner, 1997:11). Marshall referred to modern industrialist capitalist
societies as ‘hyphenated societies,’ due to the fact that such societies have
some degree of democratic redistribution of wealth through the institution of
citizenship.

Marshall’s
theory on citizenship relies on post-war societies and their relationships
between social class, welfare, and citizenship (Turner, 1997). At the heart of
Marshall’s theory on citizenship is identity. For instance, contemporary
Britain has faced anxiety in granting unconditional comprehensive citizenship
to Hong Kong nationals (Turner, 1997). Turner (1997:7) describes this concept
as ‘social closure’ in which citizenship is determined on an
inclusion/exclusion basis, in an attempt to exclude ‘outsiders’ and drive out
diversity. The idea of social closure is still a pervasive concept in 2017, as
evidenced by “Brexit.” Openness to diversity and difference is an essential
component of a liberal democracy (Turner, 1997), yet the sentiment of some UK citizens
is in conflict with the idea of diversity. Brexit and immigration are discussed
later in the essay.

Critique of Marshall’s Theory

Marshall’s
theory of citizenship has been criticised for being Anglocentric and
evolutionist (Mann, 1987). Mann (1987) suggests that emphasis should be placed
on understanding ruling class interactions and anciens régimes rather than rising
bourgeois and proletarian classes, which has been the status quo in previous
political studies (Mann, 1987).

Other
critics discount Marshall’s concept of citizenship due to the fact that his
theories were developed in the mid 70’s (Bulmer & Rees, 1996) and the post-World
War II political dynamic is much different than it is today. While this may be
the case, it does not negate the fact that Marshall’s lived experiences as a
prisoner in Germany and as a social worker, provides a knowledge and culture
that can only be subsumed from such experiences. Such experiences can be
triangulated to the adversity that many UK citizens feel today; it is not an
overseas war that many in the UK are fighting- it is an internal war at which
the will of the underclass of Britain and Britain’s diminishing middle-class is
threatened.

It is
arguable that Marshall’s theory on citizenship will always have relevance,
whether it is in the year 2017, 2060, or later. For instance, in 1978, some
scholars pointed out that the concept of citizenship had gone “out of fashion”
amongst political thinkers (Kymlicka & Norman, 1994). Yet, 15 years later,
citizenship has become a “buzz word” in political discourse (Kymlicka &
Norman, 1994). Considered even minimally, it is arguable that Marshall’s theory
is relevant in a cyclical nature. During certain points in time, it could be
more relevant than in other time periods, although the concept itself is always
relevant. Marshall has considered the entitlements of economic structure and
capitalist society (Turner & Hamilton, 1990: 199), and these concepts will
always be a constant.

Social Class & Welfare Reform

Social
class, like citizenship, is a system of inequality (Marshall, 2009). Thus,
Marshall’s theory on citizenship takes account of the impact of citizenship on
social class (Marshall, 2009). In fact, Marshall (1950) notes that citizenship
and social class are in conflict. The paragraphs below discuss social class and
welfare reform.

Social
welfare reform has been a central part of Britain’s political agenda since
Margaret Thatcher’s policies of the conservative government (McLaughlin, 2000).
Thatcher’s social welfare reforms included less governmental intervention and
less social assistance so as to allow citizens to be more active in their
social and economic standing. Thatcher’s policies also known as ‘Thatcherism’
encouraged greater citizen freedom and free market (McLaughlin, 2000). The idea
of a free market is in line with Marshall’s view on citizenship. Following
Thatcher’s policies, the Labour government reinvented social welfare after their
1997 win (McLaughlin, 2000). Given the stark contrast between the Conservative
government’s policies and the Labour Party’s policies, it is arguable that
Marshall’s understanding of citizenship is very much relevant to today’s
Britain.

Marshall’s
hypothesis rested on an economic calculation that the cost of providing
education for all would increase a country’s productivity (Marshall, 1950: 6).
Although Marshall’s hypothesis was calculated at a time in which physical
labour was heavily utilised, affordable access to education is a concept that
many in Britain worry about (Yuan & Powell, 2013). While Liberals and the
Labour Party push for more social services such as education bursaries and
grants for lower income families, Conservatives hold the view that education
should not be a part of the social welfare system (Counts, 1978). Thus, this is
the very notion of citizenship in which minimal access to education further
widens inequality and inequality is inversely correlated with citizenship.
Inequality is inversely correlated with citizenship due to the fact that the
higher the inequality that exists, the lower the [participation] of citizenship,
due to the fact that individuals faced with economic hardship are less likely
to vote (Rosenstone, 1982). Arguably, the higher the citizenship, the lower the
inequality of citizenship.

Prior
to the Labour’s win in 1997, the Labour Party stated that welfare reform would
be one its major campaign promises that it kept (Powell, 2000). The Labour’s
rhetoric was said to be a new and distinctive method that differed from both
the old left and the new right (Powell, 2000). At the heart of the party’s
campaign, however, was the need for social change and reform. Marshall’s
concept of citizenship is relevant to that period and today’s period due to the
fact that social reform is still a heavily debated concept in 2017.

Another
element that points to the relevance of Marshall’s theory on citizenship is
welfare fraud. Welfare fraud is a hot-button topic for many political campaigns,
despite its occurrence on a small scale. The British public believes that 27%
of the UK’s welfare budget is lost to fraud (Trade Unions Congress, 2013) while
the government’s records of funding lost to welfare fraud is 0.7% (TUC, 2013).
And according to a poll conducted by the Trades Union Congress (TUC), Ministers
should not assume that voters will continue to support Ministers’ plans to cap
welfare benefit rises. The TUC’s research further notes that voters who are
least able to provide accurate results on benefits are most likely to back the
government’s plan to cut benefits (TUC, 2013). The poll results paint a bleak
picture on citizen perception on unemployment. For instance, the TUC poll shows
that once citizens learn that the benefits cap will hit workers in low paid
jobs the most, support moves away from the government (TUC, 2013). The poll
also demonstrated that 61% of individuals polled believed that 41% of the
entire welfare budget goes to unemployed people, while the true figure is 3%
(TUC, 2013). Overall, the results of the poll demonstrate that misconceptions
on poverty and unemployment are what fuel misleading news stories and
sensationalised campaign points. This is relevant to Marshall’s notion of
citizenship because people need to understand the real causes and issues
plaguing social welfare and unemployment: welfare fraud is not one of them. By
remaining uninformed, an electorate may very well vote against their better
interests, and in turn, this foster inequality. Marshall (1950) suggested that
it was the state’s social responsibility to help the working class and poor to
utilise their political and civil rights, and this can only be accomplished
with an informed voter base. This is especially true due to the fact that cuts
in social security programs have disproportionately affected women (Shelley
& Gavigan, 2004). Cuts to these programs have affected single mothers in
particular (Shelley & Gavigan, 2004). Shelley and Gavigan (2004) make a
critical point when they note that public discourse and social images on
welfare fraud erroneously link poverty and welfare to crime.

Brexit & Immigration

Prior
to Brexit, many political analysts suggested that the determining factor on
attitudes for leaving or staying in Britain was immigration, while others
suggested that the determining factor was the advantage versus the disadvantage
of EU membership (McKee & Galsworthy, 2016). Although ‘Brexit’ took place
in 2016, the effects of the vote are apparent in 2017.

Tied
to Brexit is immigration. As immigration is a global concern, minority groups
and liberal assimilationist concepts of citizenship have dominated political
discourse. The same can be said for Britain’s immigration “problem.”

The
public vote to leave the EU brought about issues of citizenship and ‘otherness’
(Goodwin & Milazzo, 2017). In fact, a poll conducted by the British
Election Study (BES) demonstrated that anti-immigration rhetoric shaped public
support for Brexit (Goodwin & Milazzo, 2017). For instance, increases in
the rate of immigration in the UK were key predictors of the vote for Brexit
(Goodwin & Milazzo, 2017). It is not surprising that Britain has taken
issue with immigration for several years. Journalists and reporters have seen
increased attacks on EU migrants and minorities in record number, and it
appears that this problem has only increased subsequent to Brexit (Goodwin
& Milazzo, 2017). Further to the violence and anti-immigrant sentiment, the
anger and xenophobia against immigrants are expected to become more intense
(Goodwin & Milazzo, 2017).

In
considering the other side of the argument, Marshall’s theory may not be as relevant
to the year 2017 due to the fact that Marshall’s theory focused on the exercise
of political power and voter turnout for Brexit was low (Goodwin & Heath,
2016). Marshall noted that citizens exercise participation of political power
by voting, and if citizens do not exercise this right, they cannot be said to
be involved in the political process. Arguably, a lack of participation points
to apathy or ‘hopelessness.’ Marshall argued that citizenship “is a status
bestowed on all those who are full members of a community.” (Marshall,
1950:28). Such members carry out their responsibilities by voting and
completing civic obligations. On the other hand, Banks’ (2008) theory on
citizenship which is still evident in today’s society is similar to Marshall’s
notion of citizenship as Banks rejects assimilation, arguing that citizenship
should reflect diverse cultures and languages. Further, diverse groups rights
can aid individuals in attaining structural equality.

Education Reform

Education
reform has been a hot button issue for the past 20 years (Torres, 1998).
Education reform and citizenship are interrelated concepts due to the fact that
citizens exercise their rights to vote on education. Education is not only a
human right, but it is a concept that is at the forefront of the electorate.
While some authors note that the discussion of schools in the UK remain
marginal to the policy process or they are heard minimally through teaching
unions (Bowe, Ball, & Gold, 2017), the consensus is that educational reform
is an important campaigning point, and this is acknowledged by political
pundits.

Another
reason why education reform and citizenship are linked is because the social
division of labour and educational systems are connected. This is in line with
Marshall’s theory on citizenship due to the fact that discussions on
educational reform have centred around schools and their ability to reduce the
division of labour and lessen existing inequality (Apple, 2017).

The UK’s Housing Crisis

The
current housing crisis in the UK is another issue that is related to
citizenship, due to the fact that it is a social phenomenon that the electorate
holds a stake in. The housing crisis also exacerbates inequality, and
inequality is a fundamental precept of citizenship, as noted by Marshall.

The
housing crisis in the UK is a problem that began after World War II (Gurran
& Whitehead, 2011). Post-war planning legislation was instated in order to
ensure that there was adequate supply of housing land, but much of the
legislation failed to account to for Britain’s growing population (Gurran &
Whitehead, 2011). Since the passing of such legislation, there has been a
widening gap between housing demand and supply in the UK, leading to the
housing crisis (Gurran & Whitehead, 2011). The question of whether
Marshall’s theory on citizenship pertains to today’s housing crisis in the UK,
rests on government intervention. While Marshall was largely against state
intervention in some respects, Marshall supported the state using its power for
education and basic assistance (Marshall, 1950). Proponents of improved and
affordable housing conditions suggest that the government should vigorously be
involved in the planning process and provide adequate housing provisions for
low-income households (Gurran & Whitehead, 2011). While Conservatives
believe that the private market should be able to balance development and the
interests of the UK citizens, Liberals believe that state intervention will
provide equitable and socially beneficial forms of housing for those that are
most in need (Gurran & Whitehead, 2011). Gurran and Whitehead (2011) argue
that state intervention is the only solution that will ease the housing crisis
due to the fact that less land will be available for activities that generate
negative externalities, resulting in higher housing prices, whilst more land
will be available for uses that include greater social benefit. Stone (2006)
also notes that affordable housing is a social issue that must take account of
current incomes in the UK. Affordable housing can mean subsidised housing and
liveable housing conditions (Stone, 2006). Thus, Marshall’s theory would
include support for affordable housing, given the inequalities that exist in
the housing shortage.

Feminism

As
feminism has gained steam in the last 20 years, so has the quest for equality
(Brooks, 1997). Postmodern feminism and citizenship moves beyond the mainly
white, male, middle-class perspective that much of history has been based on. Further,
the absence of gender causes problems for understanding citizenship (Walby,
1994). Walby (1994) argues that discussions on citizenship must consider the
ways in which gender can be integrated into citizenship (Walby, 1994). Thus,
citizenship must consider a dynamic theory of gender relations and political
citizenship that destabilises patriarchy and restores equal citizenship (Walby,
1994).

Some
scholars note that Marshall’s theory of citizenship is not applicable today
based on Marshall’s linear view on citizenship. These scholars argue that
Marshall’s perspective on citizenship is that of a white, heterosexual male,
and that it does not take account of minorities, women, lesbians, or
homosexuals (Turner, 2009).

Lister
(2003) notes that active citizenship can be accomplished by questioning deeply
entrenched dichotomies and understanding the more coercive forms of active citizenship
which are dominated by political agendas. The other way that active citizenship
can be accomplished is by refusing to accept unfounded definitions and
constructions of “insiders” and “outsiders” in relation to individual rights on
citizenship, and this requires a deep regard for gender equality.

Postmodernist
feminist also allows issues of child care, education, and work-life balance to
be considered as a matter of both genders, despite those issues being
considered as ‘female’ issues. Lister (2003) has allowed poor gendered versions
of citizenship to be questioned, which is what Marshall’s theory on citizenship
fails to do.

Conclusion

While Marshall’s theory on citizenship focused mainly
on the free market, Marshall also considered with the inequalities that came
with citizenship. On this end, Marshall’s theory is still applicable to Britain
in the year 2017, due to the fact that inequalities linked to citizenship still
exist in Britain. The housing crisis has also demonstrated the applicability of
Marshall’s theory. Brexit has demonstrated that there is anti-immigrant
sentiment, despite the fact that the selling point for joining the EU was the
free movement of people and goods. The one area that Marshall’s theory on
citizenship may not apply to, is feminism.

In regards to gender and inequality, the negative
historical treatment of poor women on welfare have clouted public discourse
(Shelley & Gavigan, 2004) on the real social welfare issues. The
criminalisation of poverty in Britain raises theoretical questions on the
regulation and control of Britain’s welfare state. Thus, Marshall’s theory on
citizenship fails on this particular point due to the fact that Marshall’s
perspective considers that of the white male, while largely ignoring women and
their struggle and position as second-class citizens. As citizenship
has re-emerged as an issue which is central to political concerns regarding healthcare,
education, and social security (Turner, 1990), it must also consider the fight
for equality and feminism- otherwise, citizenship is not truly considered in
its totality.

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