Women's Rights in Cuba from 1950s-1970s
✅ Paper Type: Free Essay | ✅ Subject: Human Rights |
✅ Wordcount: 7161 words | ✅ Published: 23rd Sep 2019 |
March Towards Liberation: Women Rights in Cuba from 1950s-1970s
Contents
Women rights and lives during the 1950s under Batista
Lack of employment opportunities for women
Women’s rights and lives during the Revolution
Women leaders in the Revolution.
Women’s rights and lives after the Revolution
Continuation of the creation of new laws and programs
Introduction
The 1959 Cuban Revolution created remarkable social changes for women. Women did not just participate in combat during the Revolution but also played an important role in rebuilding the nation with socialistic and nationalistic ideas and values. In 1959, led by Fidel Castro, the new Cuban government focused most of its attention on women, as well as people of color and the poor. Social reform was at the very center of the socialist movement, the Socialist Party wanted to support the victims of the discrimination inherent in patriarchal and segregationist societies. As the leader of the socialist revolution, Castro believed and preached that the emancipation of women was fundamentally tied to the socialist revolution and it was imperative that women be equal in all aspects of society.
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July 26th, 1953 marked the start of the Cuban Revolution. The revolution was led by Castro in order to over through the controlling government lead by Batista government was corrupted and led by tyranny.[1] Castro, who was a young and political activist joined the Cuban People Party in order to change the government legally. He quickly rose through the ranks of the party and was slated to become the delegate in the House of Representatives.[2] Batista returned to power in a military coup, once in control he was quick to solidify his power and exercise his powers. His coup preempted the election, where Castro was to be elected. Batista took control of the school system, the press, and the Congress. He also, started to embezzle from the country’s booming economy. Batista continued his corruption by manipulating the elections in 1954 and 1958. The presidential election was operated so Batista was the only candidate to vote for.[3]
With congress put on hold Castro and his allies no longer had any legal means to over through Batista. Castro seeing no other way led 160 guerrilla fighters into battle. He laid siege against the military barracks in Santiago.[4] However, his attack failed to win over the people, resulting in his defeat. Majority of the rebels were killed, those who were fortunate to survive were sensed to prison. Castro was among those who went to jail. In 1955 the government declared those imprisoned political amnesty. Castro and other Cuban exiles fled to Mexico where they would reorganize. This event marking the beginning of end for Batista and his government. The fight continued and off until December 31th, 1959 when Batista’s government fell against the rebels. Castro quickly turned the government into to a new revolutionary socialist state.[5]
An examination of prior Cuban leadership reveals that the government did not support women’s rights. Fulgencio Batista was the leader of the military regime, backed by the United States, and dictator of Cuba for only seven short years from 1952 to 1958. Under his rule Cuban women, lived under the oppression of a patriarchal society in which women’s rights were suppressed. As the result of a popular revolution, women finally obtained the right to vote in 1934 under the progressive government of Ramón Grau San Martín. During the period between 1934 and 1959 there were a handful of new laws that improved women’s rights; but it was not until Castro’s revolution that woman would eventually be emancipated. Home life and women’s rights changed rapidly in Cuba during the 1950s-1970s under the support of the communist leadership of Castro. In this essay, I first explore life for women prior to Castro’s rule; and then investigate how Castro’s rhetoric encouraging women to fight actively in the socialist revolution resulted in their emancipation. I conclude with Castro’s continued support of women’s rights by establishing supportive organizations. This paper will show that the rapid improvement of women’s rights in Cuba was mainly due to the support and endorsement of Fidel Castro.
Women rights and lives during the 1950s under Batista
Lack of employment opportunities for women
Women’s life under military dictator Batista was harsh and unforgiving. Women had very few employment opportunities outside the home and some of the jobs that were open for women degraded them. Women were often left economically tied to their place of birth; leaving them no choice but to stay where they were born. For instance, the majority of women born on a farm, would spend their whole lives on the farm without any opportunity to go beyond it.[6] Prior to 1959 women were disproportionally illiterate relative to their male counterparts. Due to poor reading and writing skills, women were often exposed to unemployment, exploitation, and sexism. Women’s prospects looked grim and bleak in Cuba. The island of Cuba had 5.8 million inhabitants. Out of the entire island only 55% of children aged six to fourteen, were attending school. Majority of those who attended school were those who lived in the city. Women had to take care of those who did not receive or had access to education. Majority of those who couldn’t read were women.
The division of gendered labor in the work force was extraordinarily stark. During and prior to Bastia’s rein, the great majority of women were homemakers or worked as domestic servants. In 1953 a census was taken, in this census it was revealed that only 13.7 % of adult women were employed outside the home. Most women who were employed worked as domestic workers and not protected by any labor law or unions.[7] Women constituted only 17% of the labor force. The same census showed that 87,522 women worked as domestic servants. These domestic service jobs were jobs such as house cleaners and cooks. Additionally, the census presented that 21,000 women were completely unemployed and trying to find any job. The censes continues to show the numbers about women in the workforce. The censes exposed how much women were being paid. According to the census 77,500 women were working for little to no pay. Furthermore, it is assessed that 83 % of all women who are employed worked less ten weeks a year, and only 14 % worked year-round. [8] Though lucky to be employed, these women received significantly lower pay for doing compatible work compared to men.[9] A less formal option included sex work. By, the end of the 1950’s, in the city capital city of Havana, there were 270 brothels and 11,500 women earning their living as sex workers alone. [10] For women, jobs were hard to come by, had poor pay and lacked prestige.
Lack of Medical Care
As well as women’s employment being harsh and unequal, women also lacked equal access to medical care. Prior to the revolution, medical care was very limited. This was especially true of women’s health services. In 1958, Cuba only had about 30,000 hospital beds in the entire country, which left the nearly seven million citizens fighting just to be seen by a doctor.[11] Women’s health services were minimal at best, and most women were not seen or treated by any kind of medical professional. According to a report which focused on pre-revolution health care, only half of women in Cuba gave birth in hospitals, and more often they were women of the upper class and upper middle classes.[12]
Issues of health care were particularly troubling when it came to gynecology and obstetrics. Lack of professionals led to a maternal mortality rate of 120 per100,000 live births.[13] Women who lived in cities had better access to a variety of contraceptives than those who lived in the more rural areas. Additionally, abortion was illegal except in very particular cases, further restricting women rights. All in all, medical services in Cuba appeared to be relatively inadequate before the revolution, so most women found care outside the realm of professional healthcare.
Life for women prior to 1959
Though women’s lives were extremely harsh prior to 1959, Castro slowly began to change the way women were being treated. All aspects of women’s lives prior to 1959 from legal rights to health care were hardened by the dominant patriarchal cultural in which they lived. In a patriarchal society, men are considered superior to women and dominant in almost every situation. Prior to 1959 women’s sexual and social lives were controlled by Cuban men. An example of this was young woman had to be accompanied by a chaperone continuously. Also, women’s value in society waved heavily on virginity. However, men had to prove their dominate role in society by being overtly sexual. Men had to do this in order to protect their manly honor.[14] These double standard subjugated women prior to the revolution.
I argue that pressure from the Castro revolution functioned as a catalyst for women’s rights in Cuba. Castro was a key leader in the founding of the Cuban Constitution of 1940 which prohibited discrimination based on gender.[15] The revolution affected all aspects of life of the Latin American continent, but especially women rights and experiences. Unlike capitalism, Castro’s socialist revolution promised to create a more equal society that did not exploit the poor and the powerless. Socialist feminists believed that, due to the Socialist revolution, now was the time to change how women were treated. They wanted recognition of sex discrimination that happened in their work place and achievement of justice and equality for women. When Castro began to challenge Batista’s leadership, women from the middle and upper classes began to break free of social norms and became involved in politics and the revolution[16]
Women’s rights and lives during the Revolution
Women in combatant roles
Cuban women played a key role in the revolution against Batista’s dictatorship and, with Castro’s support, broke free of societies constraints. After the horrific conditions of women’s medical care, work life, and job opportunities, thousands of Cuban women joined the revolution when Castro called upon them. Women were actively participating in the fight and joined sabotage and guerilla units. Under Castro’s orders, women were recruited and trained to be in the nation’s first female platoon. Castro created this platoon on September 4, 1958 and called it the Mariana Grajales Platoon. In honor of the heroic female general in Cuba’s fight for independence against the Spanish the platoon was named after her, as they were once again fighting for their independence. [17]
Women worked and fought alongside their male comrades and proved they were capable of more than the traditional domestic burdens. Che Guevara initially joined Castro’s revolution in Mexico as a doctor. However, as time went on, he became one of Castro’s most trusted leaders. In an essay, Che Guevara wrote, “Women are capable of doing every task that a man can do,” and that, “The part that the woman can play in the development of a revolutionary process is of extraordinary importance.”[18] This essay complemented Castro’s views and idea on women’s liberation. On January 3, 1959, in his first address as the leader of Cuba, Castro praised women’s participation in the Revolution and encouraged Cuba to change its sexist attitudes and practices that discriminated against women.[19] In his address he stressed that both women and men fought in the Cuban revolution. The best example of this was the Mariana Grajales Platoon that distinguished itself in numerous battles. Women proved that they were able to complete their duties as well as any male soldier; but many prejudices still existed against women.[20]
Women were still the victims of discrimination in the workplace and in many other aspects of life. To counteract this, women’s units were organized to prove that they could fight alongside men as equals. The result of women fighting side by side with their male counterparts was that the villages defended by this combination were impregnable and could not be defeated. Both revolutionary leaders proved that they were in support of women equally fighting for the cause. Castro and Che did not discriminate between female or male. Both understood the important role that women had to play. If it wasn’t for Castro and Che fighting a socialist revolution, women would not have been welcomed into the fight. While Bastia didn’t want women in his army, Castro welcome them with open arms.
Women in supporting roles
Beyond combat, in the 1950’s some women worked as part of the underground resistance. As part of the underground these women were responsible to support the soldiers in any way possible. This included the transportation of weapons under their clothes, sewing uniforms, collect supplies, provide medical aid and to hid soldiers. In a more difficult role women also served as spies and messengers.[21] Haydee Santamaria and Melba Hernandez joined the resistance as support staff and later took a more active role. In 1953 they were initially called to transporting weapons, cleaning and setting up cots and ironing uniforms for the men who would attack Moncada in1953. Although Castro initially refused to allow the women to join the fight for Moncada, an agreement between Melba and Castro was made that allowed women to go in as nurses to care for the wounded.
Many females carried messages to the various units in the Sierra. Among them were Doce Sánchez, and Loudres and Chistina Giral who were known as the Giral sisters. The Giral sisters, had several other jobs in the resistance including the distribution of propaganda, and allowed meetings to be held in their home. Unfortunately, the sisters were captured then tortured to death by Batista’s men. Their actions caused them to be labeled as martyrs. Both men and women flocked to Castro’s side contributing to the successful revolution. Through risky and fatal actions women proved their loyalty to Castro and to Cuba. They were ready to sacrifice everything to bring about change to the Cuban society. Women now opposed the traditional roles assigned to them; and their new role would be instrumental in changing Cuban history forever.[22]With Castro’s support, women took charge of their own fate and fought back against the government that oppressed them. They helped the Revolution in any way that that they could, gambling that if Castro became the leader of Cuba, women would be treated more equally.
Women leaders in the Revolution.
Haydee Santamaría and Melba Hernández among other women joined the fight Castro’s rebellion against Batista and not only became leaders but exceled in those positions. The positions, however, came at a price.[23] Melba and Haydee were both captured then sentenced to seven months in prison after the failed Moncada attack. According to Randell, Haydee remembered how The Supreme Court did not know what they should do with the Melba and Haydee. The court originally want to let them due to their family statues. However, since they were part of the rebellion it could not happen.[24] Haydee was turned over to Batista’s army and tortured. Her torture consisted of being tied to a chair, and blindfolded. Her fiancé, Reynaldo Coloma was tortured to death, as this was happening, she was forced to listen. Once they killed him, the officers removed her blindfolds and rubbed Coloma cut off testicles over her chest and face.[25]
Haydee and Melba joined Celia Sánchez Manduley in Sierra Maestra upon their release. Celia already started to build an army to continue the battle against Batista. Celia gave both Melba and Haydee more responsibilities and put them in leadership roles. All three women fought side by side with Castro and Che Guevara in the final stages against Batista. The revolutionary fever did not end, Celia Sánchez continued the fight. Even when Castro was sitting in prison, Celia Sánchez would not let the revolution end. After the gruesome death of a peasant girl, Celia declared war on Batista regime, with the support Castro’s and other important male leaders of the revolution. Celia went from village to village in the Sierra Mountain Range recruiting both men and women, along with gathering supplies. Slowly she built her army, once ready she planned and coordinated attacks on military base.[26]
These women suffered horribly while they were captives. However, they fought for their leader and for their rights as women. They had the courage to stand up to Castro to get more involved in the revolution. Not only did Castro later agree to their more active participation, their leadership roles were greatly amplified due to his support. Castro knew the importance of women, unlike his predecessor. He knew that with their help Cuba would change for the better and he acted on it. Women not only stood up against the oppressive government but stood up for their themselves with Castro’s support. Castro showed the women of Cuba that they had the power to change their destiny.
Women’s rights and lives after the Revolution
Change in government
The Cuban Revolution is over, and Castro has successfully taken over the government. As promised, he continues to make women equal in many ways. Prior to the triumph of the revolution in 1959, there were very few women’s organizations that sought the social and political interests of women. Castro personally over saw the commissioning of groups dedicated to the acquisition of women’s rights. Such an example is the Federation of Cuban Women (FMC) in August 23, 1960, which was created to integrate women into the new Cuban society.
Vilma Espin, a founding member and FMC president since 1960, recounts that, although she and other Cuban women fought in the revolution, they never once considered the idea of creating a distinctly women’s organization.[27] According to Espin, it was Fidel Castro who convinced her and other women who were active in the revolutionary movement that a women’s organization was necessary to incorporate women into the revolution.[28] At the founding meeting of the FMC on August 23, 1960, Fidel Castro paid homage to the women who fought in the revolution and spoke of the grave economic and military situation confronting the nation.[29] The new government wanted to consolidate the many different women’s groups into a single organization. The new leaders of government were conscious that without the support of the masses the revolution will fail and all the changes that came with it will end. Through the establishment of the FMC, there would be a movement to encourage women to leave their sheltered homes and enter the pubic field. Women were now encouraged to join the social, economic, and political transformation of Cuban society.[30] For the first-time women now had a say in how Cuba should be run.
In the 1970’s the FMC passed pro-women laws and programs in order to better their lives. The actions done by the FMC supported the socialist government’s idea on equality. The radical reform of society gave women new freedoms, responsibilities and challenges. Prior to Castro’s new government women did not have access to these new freedoms. Women were now being trained in new fields and taking leadership positions in the party for the first time in Cuban history. Women now held government positions and played an important role in socials organizations.[31] Castro fulfilled his promise to pursue equality for women. Without his support, women would have remained as second-class citizens in Cuban society.
Improvement of women’s lives
Once women proved they were capable of leader positions, they took on new leadership positions in the government; and with Castro’s support, had many achievements. Espín was appointed president of the FMC by Castro. When she was president of the FMC, she saw the completion of various initiatives. She wanted the FMC to be used as a funnel so that women in the middle and lower classes would be able to pass on their opinions, ideas, problems, and solutions to political leaders and state agencies. These solutions ranged from the material, legal and political to the ideological.[32] The FMC’s main initiative was to achieve complete equality for women under the law. Women took equality to mean that women now had a right to be active participants in politics for the greater improvement of Cuba.[33]
The FMC first initiative was to curb the disparity of illiteracy between Cuban men and women. The Literacy Campaign would be the start, to achieving an egalitarian society. The Literacy Campaign forced different parts of society that would not usually interact to come together for the betterment of Cuba. In an address in 1961 to the teachers of the Literacy Campaign, Castro told them, “You will teach, and you will learn.”[34] Some volunteers in the campaign had never been to the rural parts of Cuba. They were often shocked to see the poor conditions in the rural areas. Another, goal of the campaign was directed to create a sense of unity between the people of Cuba. Through the teaching of politicized educational materials, the idea of unity was being spread. This gave the citizens of Cuba the idea that men and women can come together as one increasing solidarity. However, the campaign also changed the lives of the teachers themselves. As a reward for volunteering to in the campaign the women were given scholarships to further their education. Due to the campaign women had a chance to see new places, be independent and become highly trained. Women now were able to join professions that were rare for women before Castro took over.[35]
The FMC’s second initiative was the inclusion of women in the workforce. In 1968, the FMC found a way to attract women into the workforce. Through the passing of Resolutions 47 and 48 a foundation was laid to create a skilled and educated workforce among women. With an educated workface women would have a higher chance of being in leadership positions society.[36] In Castro’s Fifth National Plenary address to the FMC on December 18, 1966, he stated that the plans of the revolution that were being carried out would not have been possible until the reservoir of human resources in women was explored.[37] The success of these plans were due to the mass incorporation of women into the labor force and their extraordinary contributions to the economic development of the country.
The appointment of prominent women who fought alongside Castro brought new meaning to the presence of the woman in a leadership role. With leadership experience gained in the field Castro appointed Celia Sanchez as Secretary of State. This position was previously only held by men. It also, the first time that a woman would have the position to give advice on policies directly to the leader. She and Castro work hand and hand to change Cuban society. The FMC’s focus on eradicating illiteracy among women from rural areas was the foundation for increase in the number of educated women in society and offered them many different employment opportunities. With the support of Castro and other female leaders, women in Cuba were given opportunities that they never had before. Now women were reading and writing and teaching others to do so, creating a more educated and inclusive society.
Continuation of the creation of new laws and programs
The maternity law in 1963 helped secure women’s jobs when they requested leave to take care of their newborn babies. Cuba passed a maternity law that would guarantee women paid-in-full leave for 12 weeks.[38] Women’s reproductive choices are nested within the penal code and all reproductive/sexual rights are geared toward ensuring the legal autonomy of women. For example, contraception and abortions have been provided to Cubans under the free national health care system since 1965. The new healthcare system improved women’s reproductive health. Maternal facilities that included pap smears now wear being built in rural parts of the country.[39]
Now in control of their reproduction, Cuban women have the freedom to enter the labor force, defying expectations of motherhood and domesticity. Furthermore, services catering to the working mother were implemented to encourage the pursuit of external employment. These included daycares and laundry services. Additionally, a rule was based called Plan Jaba, this allowed working women preferred treatment in grocery stores. An example of this preferred treatment was going to the front of the line. Between 1960 and 1980 the female workforce nearly doubled, Castro was fulfilling his promise incorporating women into his new regime.[40]
Conclusion
Since Castro took over in 1959, he ruled over Cuba for almost fifty years before his brother took over in 2008. He survived countless assassination attempts by multiple governments including the United States and was known for his ruthlessness. Until his death in November 2016, Castro’s stance on women and how he championed women’s rights on the island is lesser-known and quite surprising. During his time as President, multiple women’s rights groups were formed and became successful. These groups executed various campaigns, and after all these years, are still going strong. Castro became more than just a symbol for a government revolution. He became a symbol of change. Under Fidel and his brother’s leadership, women’s rights continue to improve. After the implementation of many new laws that improved women’s lives and ensured gender equality, Cuba became known as one of the highest-ranking nations in the advancement of women. Even though women’s rights in Cuba may be overshadowed by complicated politics, Cuba holds a lesson for our country and remains an example of a forward-moving society.
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[1] Segrera, Francisco López. “The Cuban Revolution: Historical Roots, Current Situation, Scenarios, and Alternatives.” Latin American Perspectives 38, no. 2 (2011): 3-30. http://www.jstor.org/stable/29779317.
[2] Segrera, “The Cuban Revolution: Historical Roots, Current Situation, Scenarios, and Alternatives.”
[3] Foran, John. “Theorizing the Cuban Revolution.” Latin American Perspectives 36, no. 2 (2009): 16-30. http://www.jstor.org/stable/27648177.
[4] Foran, “Theorizing the Cuban Revolution.”
[5] Foran, “Theorizing the Cuban Revolution.”
[6] The Prerevolutionary Economy: Progress or Stagnation?,” of Farber, The Origins of the Cuban Revolution Reconsidered, 7–33.
[7] Larguía Isabel and Dumoulin John, “La mujer en el desarrollo: Estrategia y experiencias de la Revolución Cubana,” Casa de las Américas 25, no. 149 (marzo–abril 1985): 39.
[8] “The Prerevolutionary Economy: Progress or Stagnation?” 7-33.
[9] Pérez, Louis. “Cuba: Between Reform and Revolution”, Oxford University Press; 5 edition October 7, 2014.
[11] Olesen, Virginia. “Confluences in Social Change: Cuban Women and Health Care.” Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 17, no. 4 (1975): 398-410. doi:10.2307/174950.
[12] Olesen, Virginia. “Confluences in Social Change: Cuban Women and Health Care.” Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 17, no. 4 (1975): 398-410. doi:10.2307/174950.
[13] Olesen, “Confluences in Social Change: Cuban Women and Health Care”.
[14] Gomperts, Lillian. 2018. “The Woman Question In Revolutionary Cuba: Is Marxism Really Working For Women?”. Repository.Upenn. Edu. https://repository.upenn.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1196&context=curej.
[15] Cruz-Taura, Graciella. “Women’s Rights and the Cuban Constitution of 1940.” Cuban Studies 24 (1994): 123-40. http://www.jstor.org/stable/24485773.
[16] Murray, Nicola. “Socialism and Feminism: Women and the Cuban Revolution, Part I.” Feminist Review, no. 2 (1979): 57-73. doi:10.2307/1395000.
[17] Chebbab, Alia. 2018. “Women In Cuba: The Revolution Within The Revolution”. NADJA. https://nadja.co/2016/12/05/women-cuban-revolution/.
[18] Hunt, Nigel. 2018. “Cuba Heritage .Org – Women In The Guerrilla By Che Guevara”. Cubaheritage.Org. http://www.cubaheritage.org/articles.asp?lID=1&artID=265.
[19] ) Hunt, “Women in the Gurerilla by Che Guevara.
[20] ) Castro, Fidel. 2018. “Castro Speech Data Base – Latin American Network Information Center, LANIC”. Lanic.Utexas. Edu. http://lanic.utexas.edu/project/castro/db/1959/19590103.html.
[21] Gaitan, Aleia. 2018. “Cuban Revolutionary Women”. Temas Denuestra América N.º 50 ISSN 0259-2239.
[22] Perez-Stable, Marifeli. (1994). The Cuban revolution:origins, course, and legacy. New York, Oxford University Press, Inc.
[23] Gaitan pg 9
[24] Randall, Margaret. “Cuban Women Now. Interviews with Cuban Women, Toronto,” Women’s Press Publications 1974
[25] Randall, “Cuban Women Now. Interviews with Cuban Women”, 24
[26] Randall, “Cuban Women Now. Interviews with Cuban Women”, 24
[27] Evenson, Debra. “Women’s Equality in Cuba: What Difference Does a Revolution Make.” Law & Inequality: A Journal of Theory and Practice 4, no. 2 (1986): 295.
[28]Castro, Fidel and Vilma Espín. Women and the Cuban Revolution: Speeches and
Documents. Edited by Elizabeth Stone. New York: Pathfinder Press, 1981.
[29] Fidel Castro Speech to women Congress”. 2018. Cia.Gov. https://www.cia.gov/library/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP79T00429A000300020033-9.pdf.
[30] Evenson, “Women’s Equality in Cuba: What Difference Does a Revolution Make.”
[31] Evenson, “Women’s Equality in Cuba: What Difference Does a Revolution Make.”
[32] ) Pérez, Louis A. “Women in the Cuban Revolutionary War, 1953-1958: A Bibliography.” Science & Society 39, no. 1 (1975): 104-08. http://www.jstor.org/stable/40401832.
[33] Perez, “Women in the Cuban Revolutionary War, 1953-1958: A Bibliography.”
[34] Castro, Fidel. “Castro Speech Data Base – Latin American Network Information Center, LANIC”. 2018, from http://lanic.utexas.edu/project/castro/db/1961/19610514.html
[35]Perez-Stable, Marifeli. “Cuban Women and the Struggle for “Conciencia”.” Cuban Studies 17 (1987): 51-72. http://www.jstor.org/stable/24486055.
[36] Perez, “Cuban Women and the Struggle for “Conciencia”.
[37] Castro, Fidel. 2018. “Castro Speech Data Base – Latin American Network Information Center, LANIC”. Lanic.Utexas.Edu. http://lanic.utexas.edu/project/castro/db/1966/19661210.html.
[38] Women In World History: PRIMARY SOURCES”. 2018. Chnm.Gmu.Edu. http://chnm.gmu.edu/wwh/p/148.html law giving maternity rights.
[39] Olesen, Virginia. “Confluences in Social Change: Cuban Women and Health Care.” Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 17, no. 4 (1975): 398-410. doi:10.2307/174950. Aauw.Org.
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