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In my paper for writing assignment on drop out, supply side and demand side are really the influent factors for concerned problem over the field of basic education regarding to higher drop -out rate of poor students. This problem has been the focus of generation to generation particularly the education problem for dropping out in Cambodia. And the key factors are supply and demand side for poor students to access school.
To make clear finding, explanation and discussion over the demand side and supply side, some ideas should be highlighted according to document and survey books provided online by Dr. Thomas Zimmermann, and I would like to raise some indicated suggestion or recommend from research found on how the government can reduce problem on drop out. It is the latter, of course, that is important for committing the appropriate policies to close education gender gaps.
Reasonable assessment in this or same frameworks (Alderman & King, 1998; Rosenzweig& Schultz, 1982) can indicate why investments in girls’ human capital are often lower than boys’. On the other factors to be the same for both sexes, daughters will get less schooling than sons if the remittance rate is higher out of son’s wealth, if the marginal returns to schooling in the labor market are everywhere higher for boys than girls. Effective interconnection networking enables quality of higher education.
We propose that all of the variables mentioned above will set the term “quality” in higher education. These propositions will be tested in the next section in order to know whether Cambodian Higher Education meets all of the variables mentioned in the literature. Aldridge and Rowley (1998) show the student experience and noticed that connection with the lecturers and their fellow students are the central issues in determining the total quality in higher education. Effectively communicating with students gives teachers with better insight of student learning and knowledge management (Gapp and Fisher, 2006). As Chickering and Gamson(1987) state, working with others often raise involvement in learning.
Peer discussion among students, especially students in tertiary education, is an effective way of learning. Technical discussion among teachers is also an effective control to solve problems. Lehmkuhle is informed to have stated in Massy’s (2003) research that contributing experiences among faculty often gave rise to new ideas about how to develop quality. Konidari and Abernot (2006) also support the view that cooperation among professional groups of teachers could promote implicit learning and experience. And, this group of teachers could make an empirical studies, cost is alternatively measured by price (school fees or other obligatory expenditures) or proxies by the distance to schools; the use of the latter is more common.
Supply side and demand side may cause in disadvantages of girls in education
Distance is associated with direct transportation costs as well as opportunity costs, since more time spent traveling to and from school implies less time before or after the school day for the child to contribute labor to the household. This cost may be significant since distances to schools in rural areas are often substantial. When using school fees as a cost measure, non experimental studies with limited information on school characteristics may be subject to difficult omitted variable biases. If schools where tuition or other costs are high are also of higher quality (which would tend to increase demand), estimated price effects may understate the negative effect of cost on demand, many non experimental studies using household survey data find that girls’ schooling is more sensitive to cost, however defined, than boys’.
Greater distance to school or the absence of a nearby school has stronger negative impacts on female than male enrollments in settings as varied as India (Sipahimalani,1999), Ghana (Lavy, 1996; Tanzel, 1997), Senegal (Glick & Sahn, 2007), Malaysia (DeTray,1988), the Philippines (King & Lillard, 1987),and Pakistan (Hazarika, 2001; Lloyd, Mete, &Sathar,2007). In Kenya, higher school fees develop dropout possibilities for girls but effect on boys (Lloyd, Mensch, & Clark, 2000). In remote Pakistan, girls’ registration but not boys’ is conceptual to direct costs (Lloyd et al., 2007). Schultz’s (1985) study delivers evidence from cross-country integrated data.
Gender differences in response to policy change
Gender varieties in dealing with guideline can also increased from diversities in schooling cost functions. What is needed is for the marginal costs of schooling to be on rise at noticeable price for girls and boys. If families are valued and thus have to support education through cutting out in other first period expenditures, noticeable costs may high via abolished marginal use of consumption, which causes the value of forgone utility to rise at the margin as schooling earn more focus and expectation falls. Further, fees and other direct school costs are usually mainly greater at higher levels of schooling and often necessary because state education nominally free in many countries.
An interesting aspect of each of the cases depicted is that they suggest a tendency for gender differences in response to policies affecting school price (and also quality) to be larger when the initial gender gap itself is large. Encourage and support girls “Teachers can help to motivate students, especially girls, by following them up when they are absent for a few days in school. Meet the parents or write them a letter”(Siem Riep) ” Girls should be supported to go to school. Fathers should earn sufficient income so that mothers can provide their daughters to go to school” (Kratie). Teachers should encourage girls to come to learn, do remedial classes and follow-up when they are absent for many days”(Kompong Thom)
Aspects of school quality/environment that is different for girls and boys
There is less doubt that in many countries the school learning environment favors boys over
girls (World Bank, 2001), for reasons that may include a lack of female teachers, unfavorable teacher treatment of girls in class, sexual harassment by male teachers or students, and curricula and textbooks that present favorable adult role models only for boys. To the extent that these factors hinder girls’ ability to learn, they reduce parental incentives to invest in daughter’s education by reducing the marginal benefits of their education relative to sons’ (in addition potentially to prompting girls’ own decisions to withdraw).
Equal right to education
Equality in the learning process means that girls and boys receive equitable treatment and attention and have equal opportunities to learn. This means that girls and boys are exposed to the same curricula, although the coursework may be taught differently to accommodate the different learning styles of girls and boys. Equality in the learning process also means that all learners should be exposed to teaching methods and materials that are free of stereotypes and gender bias. In addition, it means that boys and girls should have the freedom to learn, explore, and develop skills in all academic and extracurricular offerings.
“Women have important roles in the family on providing guidance and education to children.She is also responsible for the management of family finances. A family with mother with high education fare better compared to those mothers with low education. There is a Khmer proverb: Su salabba kom ov salab me (A father can die but a family will hardly survive without a mother”(Banteay Meanchey)
“Women have important roles in child care and child rearing. They are the mother of the world” (Kompong Thom.). Girls are burdened with housework and find it difficult to combine it with regular schooling. “They are expected to help their mothers in housework, child care and the work in the field. Household responsibilities increase as they grow older and affect school attendance and performance. They will become discouraged and later drop-out from school”. School is inaccessible: poor roads, no transport and too far away from the village “Junior high schools are too far away from the village. It is located in the town. There is no accommodation for girls and they do not have bicycles”. (Banteay Meanchey)
“Schools in the villages are incomplete. They only have primary schools and higher schooling is too far away.” (Siem Riep)
Cambodia government plan on influent reduction on girl education Campaign on girl education
Girls in the developing world typically spend far more time than boys in domestic work. The idea that girls’ access to education is constrained by their household work obligations is supported both by ethnographic studies (Engle, Pedersen, & Schmidt, 1985; Nieves, 1981; Safilios-Rothschild, 1980) and econometric demand analyses (Deolalikar, 1998; Glick & Sahn, 2000; Levison & Moe, 1998; Pitt & Rosenzweig, 1990). The latter shows girls’
schooling to be more negatively affected than boys’ (if boys’ is affected at all) by the presence of younger siblings, or in the case of Pitt and Rosenzweig, by the illness of an infant sibling.
Policies such as subsidized childcare services that reduce the household’s domestic work burdens may in effect target girls’ education by reducing the demand for their labor at home, hence the opportunity cost of their attending school (and of doing schoolwork if they attend). The research just cited suggests inferentially that the benefits to girls of subsidized childcare may be substantial.
Unfortunately, while there are anecdotal accounts of community-based childcare services freeing up girls’ time for school attendance (see Herz & Sperling, 2004), there have been few rigorous assessments. Still, one careful study for Kenya (Lokshin, Glinskaya, & Garcia, 2004) found that lower local childcare center costs increase both maternal employment and girls’ school
Where traditional beliefs make parents reluctant to send daughters to school, there may be an important role for programs using various media to promote the benefits of educating girls.
Among poorly educated parents in particular, such campaigns may have a strong efficiency rationale if they can supply information that these parents lack on the benefits to female schooling, for example, improved child nutrition. Kane (2004) & Miller-Grandvaux &
Yoder (2002) noted a number of African projects in which community education campaigns, often in the context of programs to initiate new community (i.e., informal) schools, were associated with large gains in female enrollment or at least more gender equity than in existing public schools. However, it is difficult to assess the effectiveness of such campaigns. For one thing, they tend to be implemented in conjunction with other education policies (nation-wide or local), making it hard to attribute enrollment gains specifically to the outreach efforts.
Labor market policies
Perhaps the most real connection between labor markets and the relative private go back to
investments in girls’ and boys’ education relating to the question of whether supplement to
schooling are awarded with equal development in pay for women and men. In developing countries, this happened largely to be the subject (Schultz, 2002), with some positive (Appleton, Hoddinott, Krishnan, & Kerry, 1999; Kingdon, 1998). But the matter-and the magnitude for policy to influence girls’ schooling-is more complicated than differences
in the coefficients on schooling in wage functions. A key faith (see Glick, 2006) is that labor
force participation and labor supply is far more variable for women than men,
Equality of results take a place when the condition of men and women, having access to goods and resources, and having ability to share to, join, and credit from economic, social, cultural, and political
activities are the same. This refer to job opportunities, the time needed to secure hiring after leaving full-time education, and the profit of men and women with similar qualifications and experience are equivalent.
The four dimensions of gender, equality, rights and labor market are related, but that relationship is complicated and not highlighted linear.
Parity in registration and rare gender equality in schooling can, and often do, coexist with inequalities outside of education. In fact, several researches have shown that educational success for girls does not automatically change into higher economic status or rare political participation as adults (SERNAM 2004). Meanwhile, developing opportunities for women in the labor market can give them the economic means to access their children to school. Attaining equality after learners complete their studies and enter the labor market requires interventions that go over the education management.
The four dimensions of gender equality in education indicated that gender parity is not the only solution against which attainment should be surveyed. Educators must insight how lifestyle limit the selection and opportunities for boys and girls and observe their demands and varieties. This knowing will help educators make learning opportunities that will enable all young learner to grow and succeed in their full effectiveness.
Although there are significant methodological concerns with much existing research, several recurring, though not universal, patterns can be discerned in the literature with regard to the effects of policies on girls’ schooling. A common finding is that girls’ education is constrained more than boys’ by the distance to school. Public investments that increase the local availability of schools are therefore likely to disproportionately benefit girls’ enrollment and attainment, even though such a measure would not explicitly target girls. It is often found as well that girls’ schooling is more sensitive than boys’ to changes in fees and other direct costs. Where this is the case, demand side interventions that subsidize households’ schooling costs will have larger benefits for girls.
Some evidence suggests, further, that the demand for girls’ schooling is more responsive than boys’ to improvements in school quality, pointing to another route through which policy may redress gender imbalances even while not specifically targeting girls.
Quality, retention, and achievement are essential elements of an education strategy designed to ensure that boys and girls maximize their full potential. As the Gender Equality in Education Framework indicates, addressing issues of access is insufficient to ensure that boys and girls receive the maximum benefit from their education. Getting children into school is crucial; ensuring that they stay in school, learn, and achieve requires more. The four dimensions of the framework provide planners with a systematic way of addressing the components necessary for ensuring a relevant, high quality education for all learners.
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