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Analysing Youth Voters in the Mauritius

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Any opinions, findings, conclusions or recommendations expressed in this material are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of UK Essays.

Introduction

STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

The absence of youth in the Mauritian political system is quite alarming but still no statement is being made about it. The total number of electors registered for the year 2009 is 879,897 and among them 222, 060, i.e. 25.2% are aged from 18-29 years old (estimates from the Electoral Commission Office). However, at present our National Assembly does not have a single member in the above age group (p.10 ). There is no available data about the voting frequency of the different age groups of the registered electors nor are there disaggregated statistics about the voting behaviour of males and females. Data on neither the formal nor informal political engagement of youth could be obtained at the Ministry of Youth and Sports. It becomes hence clear that there is a lack of research on this issue either because of an unrealised phenomenon or a taken for granted phenomenon or most probably the issue is considered to be an unimportant one. However, as highlighted by the Secretary-General of the UN 1997-2007 - Kofi Annan, World Youth Report 2003, p. 271):

“No one is born a good citizen; no nation is born a democracy. Rather, both are processes that continue to evolve over a lifetime. Young people must be included from birth. A society that cuts itself off from its youth severs its lifetime; it is condemned to bleed to death.”

The only hint that could be obtained about the topic in the Mauritian Context is a mini research which appeared as an article on one page (p.9) in L' Express Newspaper 04th August 2009 entitled: “Jeune et Politique: L'Impossible Alliance”. The mini-research was carried out by Dr. Catherine Boudet from Reunion Island. “En l'absence d'études sur la culture politique des jeunes mauriciens”, she has conducted a mini-research using a focus group of 10 youth at UoM and she has distributed 30 questionnaires among youngsters (15- 27 years old). However, she adds that “cette étude empirique ne fait pas office de sondage, mais elle a le mérite de constituer un petit barometre de l'état d'esprit de la jeunesse.”

At this stage, following the ontological assumptions are made: Why are these young people absent from politics? Is it because of a change in lifecycle? Have they become disengaged? If, so to what extent are they disengaged? Why have they become disengaged? Have they found other forms of political participation with social change? Are they not being given adequate political space? On taking the epistemological dimension, suggested answers which form the hypotheses of the research are given to these questions.

(Source: G. M. du Ploy, 2001, p.20)

HYPOTHESES OF THE RESEARCH

  • Young people do not have time for politics because of a change in lifecycle.
  • Young people have found some other forms of political participation.
  • Young people have negative attitudes towards politics and politicians.
  • Young people are disengaged because politicians do not care about their needs and demands.
  • Politicians/elders are not giving political space to young people.

At this point, the aims and objectives become clearer.

AIMS AND OBJECTIVES OF THE RESEARCH

The double objectives of the research are to:

  • To know young people's desires and needs concerning society.
  • Identify measures to introduce some changes in youth towards politics and vice versa.

In order to reach these main objectives, the research aims to:

  • Explore the level of formal political participation among young people.
  • Explore the level of informal political participation among young people.
  • Find out if today's youth will or will not reach the levels of political participation currently displayed by the elderly.
  • Find out and verify the reasons/explanations of the disengagement of the young people about politics and try to find convenient actions to apply.

ORGANISATION OF CHAPTERS

The next step which follows as can be seen in the diagram is the theoretical assumptions which help in verifying the hypotheses and achieve the aims and objectives of the research. The theoretical framework is also the base of the research which establishes working definitions for fieldwork. All these are dealt in Chapter 2. Hints of the methodology can be found throughout the whole dissertation while Chapter 3 has been devoted mainly to the methods used to extract information. Chapter 4 analyses and discusses the discoveries of the fieldwork and the dissertation concludes with the Chapter 5 where I also come up with some recommendations.

A CONTEMPORARY GLOBAL OVERVIEW OF YOUTH AND POLITICS IN DEMOCRATIC COUNTRIES

The vast majority of reading on youth participation in politics shows that there has been a steady decline in youth political participation in many democratic (Pammett and Leduc 2003; O'Neill 2007). In almost every election young people are the least likely to vote and these participation rates are continuously declining(Putnam 2000; Kimberlee 2002; Gauthier 2003; Pammett and Leduc 2003). Youth membership of political parties is also dropping (Hooghes et al. 2004). Although mostAfrican countries have a majority of youth population, African parliaments have less than 1% youth participation as MP's (Sigudhla 2004). In fact, research such as Putnam (2000), Kimberlee (2002), Blais et al. (2002), Blais et al. (2004), Clarke et al. (2004), Zukin et al. (2006) and Dalton (2007)provide clear indication that the more recent generations are less likely to engage in politics than were previous generations of the same age. The ‘generational effects' suggests that today's young people are less active in politics, and they will never reach the levels of political participation currently displayed by the elderly (Martikainen et al. 2005). Studies indicate that the present younger generations will retain these differences as they grow older, and that consequently the present electorate will be replaced by a more passive generation of political participants (Quintelier 2007). As for youth in democratic Mauritius, all these have to be tested. Hence, most important is to identify working definitions of terms on which the project is based. Obviously, the parameters of the terms ‘Youth' and ‘Politics' have to be established.

PARAMETER OF THE TERM ‘YOUTH' USED

Both the first and second Mauritian National Youth Policy (2000 - 2004) and (2010 - 2014) define youth as persons aged “between 14 and 29 living in the Republic of Mauritius”. Thus for the purpose of this dissertation, the age of youth considered does not exceed 29 years old.

ESTABLISHING THE WORKING DEFINITION OF POLITICS

The definition of politics is confined to what Randall (1987) identified as forms of political participation which are as follows:

→ Voting

Voting is sometimes understood as the first step in a succession of increasing demanding political acts. Marsh and Kaase (1979) (cited in Randall 1987) find it as a unique type of political participation in the sense that it does not occur very often and is very much biased. Randall (1987) notes that in most countries women are more inclined to cast their vote than men.

→ Other Conventional Forms Of Participation

According to Welch (1977) (cited in Randall 1987), this form of participation include campaigning for political parties or their candidates, membership of a political party or organization or attendance at a political meeting. Dowse and Hughes (1972) (cited in Randall 1987) find that women participate less men when it comes to this form of participation.

→ Less Conventional Politics

Randall (1987) refers to this form of participation as ad hoc politics which means participation in political campaigns that are relatively short-lived, throwing up makeshift organizations and tending to rely on direct tactics such as pickets, squats and self-help projects. In this form of participation, Randall (1987) notes that women ‘come into their own' and their participation is as significant as that of men.

These 3 forms of political participation have been used as indicators to serve the exploratory purpose of the research. While Levine (2007), O'Neill (2007), Braud (2004) and many others have spoken about the forms of political engagement, the theory of Randall (1987) was purposely chosen since it also deals about women's participation for each form. Hence with the ‘gender' variable, the research also tests the relevance of the theory among young Mauritian. To explain the identified disengagement of youth from politics, it is important to find out what other research say and what are their theories. Hence the following theories which I have classified under 3 headings served the explanatory purpose of the research: Social change; Adults' attitudes and actions and the Attitudes and lifecycle of young people.

EXPLANATORY THEORIES ABOUT THE DISENGAGEMENT OF YOUTH FROM POLITICS

A. Social Change

O'Neill (2007) notes that cell phones have been identified as a new form of political activism especially for young people. She also stresses the use on new Internet-based sites such as MySpace and Facebook which provide forums for communicating, organising and socialising and they are unlike traditional social networks that require face-to-face contact. Quintelier (2007), Hoskins et al. (2003) and O' Toole et al. (2003) notice the attractiveness of these new forms of participation has caused younger people to divert from traditional forms of political participation as practiced by the older generation. Moreover, according to findings of Levine (2007), Dalton (2007) and Zukin et al. although members of this generation are less engaged in traditional political activities, many are willing to provide direct voluntary services.

However in a study conducted by Blais (n.d)among young people on the island of Montreal, he finds out that non-conventional participation has not replaced conventional participation. In fact, most of the respondents either do both or do neither. As for the case of young Mauritians, this has to be tested.

B. Adults' attitudes and actions

Conventional ‘wisdom' dictates that young people are ‘less knowledgeable', ‘ignorant', ‘apathetic', ‘indifferent', ‘alienated', ‘disaffected' and ‘disinterested' when it comes to politics (Eden et al. 2002; O'Toole et al. 2003; Henn et al. 2003). O'Neill (2001) add to the view that youth are also more likely to find politics uninteresting and even boring. Moreover, in a case study carried out by Golumbek (2002), adults explain the political disengagement of youth by the fact that youth only want to have fun and politics appear dull to them.

Moreover,Bessant (2004) and Eden et al. (2002) notice some restrictions, namely, in the patronizing of youth by parents and educators. This is displayed in that politicians, parents and teachers frequently deny their children or students the right to participate in protest marches when such activities take place during class hours.

C. The Attitudes And Lifecycle Of Young People

Pammett and LeDuc's (2003) study clearly indicate that young people have negative attitudes towards political parties. Young people perceive politicians as ‘out of touch', ‘untrustworthy', ‘self-interested', ‘irrelevant' and ‘power-hungry' (O' Toole et al. 2003; Quintelier 2007). Young people do not trust politicians believing they are corrupt and self-serving (Bennett, 1997). They are very critical and quickly recognize when politicians lie or when they try to speak on their behalf (Henn et al. 2002). More so, youth find that conventional politics carries an image problem (Edwards, 2001).

Many young people feel that they are not heard by politicians and that they ultimately cannot influence politics (Henn et al. 2002; Kimberlee 2002). Henn et al. 2002; O' Toole et al. 2003; Keeter 2003; Quintelier 2007 find that the non-participation of young people is due to the failure of the politicians to address the issues that concern them, or to make the issues relevant to their daily lives. Youth have the impression that politicians do not truly care about their needs and large percentage of young people believe that the government is unresponsive to people like them (Bennett, 1997).

Youth have fewer resources for political participation because of ‘lifecycle effects' (Quintelier 2007 and Verba et al. 1995). According to these authors, political participation requires time and money and young people do not yet have a stable basis for concern with politics. Hence, they are more preoccupied with short-term projects (Verba et al. 1974; Iyengar and Jackman 2004). According to Kimberlee (1998), the decline in political interest and behaviour of young people should be attributed to the changing of social and economic environment in which young people now live.

After having established the body of theories, it is important to have an idea of the variables of the research which could at the same time be presented as some ‘unique' traits of the Mauritian Politics.

TRAITS OF THE MAURITIAN POLITICS/ VARIABLES OF THE RESEARCH

A. Gender Imbalance

From Appendices 2 and 3, it can be observed that before 2005, the number of female MPs had never exceeded six. One would find that in many constituencies in Mauritius, women have never been elected while in most constituencies the number of nominated women is very low or women are not fielded at all. In 2005, 61 of the 645 candidates who stood for the General Elections were women (9.5%). The two major parties (MLP and MMM) which were capable of electing candidates, together fielded only 16 women. Of those 16, 11 were elected as constituency seat MPs and 1 as best-loser seat MP. The number of women in the legislature from the year 2000 to 2005 has increased from 4 to 12 (5.7% - 17%). Nonetheless, this number is nowhere near the 30% goal set in the SADC declaration on Gender and Development of which Mauritius is a signatory. Phillips's (1991, 1995) arguments for democracy are based on mirror representation, group representation and interest representation and Chiroro (2005) highlighted that Mauritius totally fails in terms of mirror representation. What awaits us for this year's 2010 General Elections is yet to be known.

B. Ethinicised Politics

In Mauritius, the 70 member National Assembly consists of 62 elected representatives of constituencies and 8 additional seats allocated to the Best Losers among the non-elected. The latter seats are allocated on the basis of ethnic membership (the first four) and a combination of ethnicity and party membership (the remaining four) (Lau Thai Keng 1999, Eriksen 1998). The main purpose of this system is to ensure an adequate representation of the minority groups (Addison et al 1993).

Eriksen (1998) notes that most political parties in Mauritius have overtly or covertly represented ethnic / communal interests. Dinan, Nababsing and Mathur (cited in Crawford Young, 1999) add that political parties in Mauritius field their candidates in constituencies not only according to ethnic configurations of the constituency but sub groups (caste, cultural and linguistic) of the voters are also considered. This might be because communalism is an important variable for voting behaviour of the population (Mathur 1991). Thus, considering the ethnic group of respondents as a variable when one does a research on politics becomes significant.

C. Youth Political Engagement/Disengagement

TABLE 1: CALCULATED AVERAGE AGE OF MPs IN MAURITIUS

 

ELECTION 11TH SEPTEMBER 2000

ELECTION 03RD JULY 2005

MPs 2005 BY 28th FEBRUARY 2010

MEAN AGE

47

49

Logically, the mean, mode and median at 28th February 2010 would be that of the year 2005 + 5 since the MPs are the same apart from few modifications (see appendix 5).

MODAL AGE

39

51

MEDIAN AGE

47

51

% OF YOUTH AS DEFINED AS PER THE NATIONAL YOUTH POLICY

(2 ÷ 66) Χ 100

= 3.03% (2 d.p)

0%

To be able to acquire this data, I have gathered and compiled the date of birth and calculated the age of MPs for the year 2000 and 2005 (SEE APPENDICES 4 AND 5). From these, the average age of MPs and the percentage of MPs which fall into the youth category for the last 2 General Elections could be obtained. While the age at which a candidate can stand for Elections is 18 and the maximum age a person is considered to be young in Mauritius is 29, the data in the above table brings us back to the ontological assumptions made in Chapter 1 where it becomes necessary to gather primary data. Before presenting to you, the procedures and methods adopted for the collection of primary data, I wish to recapitulate what the basic research which has an exploratory and explanatory purpose aims to. The research tries to:

  • → Explore the extent of engagement/disengagement of youth in/from politics in Mauritius.
  • → Determine which explanation classified under 3 headings best explains the absence of youth from formal politics.
  • → Find out if today's youth will or will not reach the levels of political participation currently displayed by the elderly.
  • → Explore and organize primary data so as to create a picture of the current situation of the topic in the Mauritian context.
  • → Develop new hypotheses which will be matter of further testing in future research.
  • → To fill in the gap of unavailable data in Mauritius and thus contribute to epistemology.

A MODEL OF THE RESEARCH PROCESS

STAGE 1: OBSERVATION

It is well known that in Mauritius the SU is much linked to political parties. Hence, observation was carried out during the campaign of the Students' Union (SU) Elections at the UoM. Both the campaign and the observation lasted for 2 weeks (started on 19th October 2009 and ended on the 30th October 2009). The observation was an opportunity to have an overview of the relationship between youth and politics.

PLANNING THE OBSERVATION

A. Type of Observation

TYPE OF OBSERVATION

WHAT WERE UNDER OBSERVATION

REASON

Non participant

Everything that could be seen, heard and felt.

Not being a candidate for the SU Elections myself, some information was not easily disclosed to me. Thus everything that could be seen, heard and felt was noted down. Moreover, 2 interviews were carried out with people involved in the campaign.

B. Instruments Used For Observation

INSTRUMENTS USED

PURPOSE/S

Diary

To write fresh, valid, reliable and vivid data on the spot.

Camera

Photographs were taken in case particular aspects of the campaign went unnoticed during the observation. Hence they could be re-analysed in the photographs. However, for ethical reasons the photographs were taken from quite afar so that the people are not totally visible.

Myself - Human Intrument

Since the senses have to be used in observation and the researcher exerts some sort of power over the other instruments he/she is using, the latter becomes the main instrument in the observation process.

STAGE 2: INTERVIEWS AND ITS OBJECTIVES

For the purpose of this dissertation, 4 interviews were carried out in all.

It is to be noted that interviewees did not find the need to remain anonymous.

 

INTERVIEWEES

OBJECTIVES

1

Soobeersingh Dhunoo alias Kenny (male) - ex student at the UoM and ex president of the SU (present during the SU Election Campaign and thus was interviewed).

In order, not to be gender biased, a boy and a girl were determinedly selected and at the same time a gender comparison of youth's political engagement could be made since gender is the only relevant variable between them in this particular setting. Unstructured interview was used for both respondents so as to grasp maximum information about how youth conduct their political activities.

2

Khirtee Ruchpaul (female) -candidate at the SU Elections (interviewed during the SU Election campaign).

3

Naveena Ramyad (female) - former member in the MMM Youth Wing[5] and potential candidate of the MMM party for General Elections 2010.

Since the MMM party does not have any archival information, Naveena acted like a ‘key informant'. It was also an opportunity to ask her about her transition from the Youth Wing to the Party itself. A semi-structured interview was found to be most convenient.

4

Devanand Ritoo - the current Minister of Youth and Sports.

Structured questions were prepared and he was interviewed in his capacity as:

1. An senior politician,

2. The current president of the Youth Wing of Mauritian Labour Party,

3. The current Minister of Youth and Sports.

PLANNING THE INTERVIEWS

The interviewees were the ones to decide about the place, time and day on which the interview would take place. Face-to-face interviews were carried out and a tape recorder was used to record everything with the permission of the interviewee. The use of tape recorder enabled me to maintain the eye contact with my interviewees and much attention could be given to their expressions, body languages and tones. Hence face validity could be checked out on the spot.

Although all the interviewees could speak English, interviews were conducted in Creole which is the mother tongue of mostly all Mauritians. This was done with the purpose of allowing interviewees to be more at ease so that they could provide more information. Once questions were asked, interviewees were given the opportunity to talk as much as they wished without being interrupted by me. My role as an interviewer was only to ask questions. It was not like a sort of conversation. In this way, value-free information could be gathered.

However, no research is without lacuna, mine being no exception. The lacunas are:

It was quite difficult to carry out such an observation (where the researcher is the main instrument) during 2 weeks on a large scale. Many things should have gone unnoticed, unheard and unfelt not only in my absence but in my presence as well. Moreover, many of the research questions have remained unanswered. I could picture the extent of engagement and disengagement of youth but I did not get the many explanations what is/ are causing this political disengagement through the observation method. Interviewees were those engaged in politics in some way or another but why the other youngsters are disengaged from politics remains a research question among so many. This led me to the stage 3 where the questionnaire came into use.

STAGE 3: QUESTIONNAIRE METHOD AND ITS OBJECTIVES

Concepts / hypotheses were developed into indicators through questions and statements in the form of questionnaire to mainly test why there is this ‘disengagement' of youth from politics. At the same time, some questions related to the qualitative part of the research conducted were set to translate the information from subjective to objective, cross check the findings and make it generalisable. As according to Bryman (2004), the main advantage of triangulation is that it increases confidence in research findings.

For some concepts, multiple indicators were used (multiple measure of a concept) - A better explanation of this is given in the next chapter. A copy of the questionnaire distributed to respondents can be scrutinized in APPENDIX 6.

THE TYPES OF QUESTION USED

Since each question/ statement set serves a purpose, the type of question found to be most suitable was attributed to each. Finally, I end up with the use of the following types of questions:

OPEN-ENDED QUESTION

CLOSED-ENDED QUESTION

 

Likert-type

Dichotomous

Partially closed question

Multiple choice

Ranking

THE VARIABLES OF THE RESEARCH

Only concepts which are relevant to the topic are used as variables. Thus ‘gender' was used as variable for all questions while the ‘ethnic origin' was used as variable only for question 2, 3, 4, 6, 7 (g), 7 (h).These variables are independent and discrete in nature. The extent of youth's engagement/disengagement in/from politics is the dependent variable considered and this variable is also continuous in nature.

The survey does not intend to compare younger and mature youth's political engagement or disengagement since youth (as from 18 years old) as one body is absent in the Mauritian parliament. Hence youth is used as a constant as per the definition of National Youth Policy which has already been established in the previous chapter.

DECIDING ABOUT SAMPLE AND SAMPLING METHODS:

A. What does this Sample Frame represent?

Only students of the University of Mauritius were chosen to be included in the sample. The reasons for this were that:

→ All the students are above 18 years old and hence have the voting right as well as the right to stand as candidates for the General Elections.

→ The students also come from all over the island and thus the sample englobes the subgroups as per the National Youth Policy “residence, religion, community, socio-cultural and educational backgrounds” but this should not be confused with the variable being used.

→ Since the students of UoM were observed during the campaign of the SU Elections, it was found most convenient to make them the sample, test the hypotheses on them and make generalizations.

The sampling frame was defined in terms of the 5 faculties of the UoM. To strike the balance of students in the 5 faculties, equal number of boys and equal number of girls were asked to fill in questionnaires in each faculty.

B. Sample Size

The sample size set for the survey was as follows:

 

MALE

FEMALE

 

FOE

35

35

 

FOA

35

35

 

FSSH

35

35

 

FLM

35

35

 

FOS

35

35

 

TOTAL

175

175

350

Since some questionnaires were rejected due to inadequate filling by respondents, the sample size is reduced to the following:

 

MALE

FEMALE

 

FOE

31

34

 

FOA

35

33

 

FSSH

33

35

 

FLM

35

34

 

FOS

34

35

 

TOTAL

168

171

339

Hence the sample size considered for the purpose of analysis is 339. This sample size was decided for the purpose of accuracy and representativeness which are the aims of quantitative research. It also creates representativeness of all students in different fields of study and this enables generalization of findings.

C. Sampling Methods

A combination of probability sampling (cluster sampling) and non-probability sampling (quota sampling) was used for particular reasons.

1) Quota Sampling

Quota sampling was the main sampling method used. 213 questionnaires were filled through this sampling method. The criteria for choosing respondents through quota sampling were as follows:

  • → Whether they seemed to be in the youth category,
  • → The faculty to which they belong,
  • → Sex,
  • → Whether they have already filled in the questionnaires,
  • → If no, whether they were free and would accept to fill in the questionnaire adequately.

Questionnaires were filled by respondents on the spot and collected by myself. This exercise was done with several objectives:

  • → It avoids the loss of questionnaires by respondents.
  • → Data collected are more reliable and questionnaires are filled adequately.
  • → A rapport could be established with respondents and if they had any difficulty, clarity could be made (This exercise was done by maintaining value-free research).
  • → Feelings and attitudes about the topic could be observed on the site of research.
  • → It brings originality to the research method being used as well as the research since it seems like doing a qualitative research through a quantitative one.

2) Cluster/ Area Sampling:

With a large representative sample size, doing quota sampling by waiting for respondents to fill in questionnaires on the spot was predicted to be tiresome and time-consuming. This is why cluster sampling was used before I started undertaking the quota sampling

Cluster sampling could be used since the population of each faculty at the UoM consisted of units rather than individuals according to the type sample frame I set. 137 questionnaires were filled through cluster sampling in 3 classes of different faculties. Permission was obtained from lecturers to carry out this exercise in their class and the questionnaires were returned by respondents on the spot.

PILOT TESTING OF THE QUESTIONNAIRE

Students in my class did not take part in the main survey and thus 5 males and 5 females in my own classwere used as respondents to fill in pilot questionnaires. The revisions made to the original questionnaire after the pilot survey can be found in APPENDIX 7.

TIME DIMENSION OF THE RESEARCH

The research was carried out in the same order in which the methodology is written. The collection of data through questionnaires was done after the observation (19th- 30th October) and the interviews. The questionnaires were distributed on week days between 09:00 to 15:00 during the last 2 weeks of November. The survey had to be carried out during these 2 weeks as exams at the UoM were due to start and after that the students would be away on holidays.

SOME OF THE DIFFICULTIES ENCOUNTERED

→ There is no sampling plan for the qualitative part of the research. This is because the respondents chosen for the interview were the ones available. For instance, candidates participating in the SU Elections campaign were too busy to commit some time for an interview. Moreover, after having contacted the Youth Wings of the 3 major political parties in Mauritius (MLP, MMM, MSM), the MMM party was the only party which was accessible and ready to help. Politicians from the 2 other parties were mostly unavailable. Even secondary data which were persistently sought from them could never be obtained.

→ It was only after sending several letters and making several phone calls made that an appointment could be obtained from Minister Devanand Ritoo. On the day of the appointment, I had to wait nearly one and a half hour before he could meet me. On meeting him, he asked me what the interview would be like and what questions I was going to ask. I did not want to cause ‘deception' (to borrow a word from Diener and Crandall, 1978) to my respondent by lying as this would be against the ethical principle of research. At the same I did not want to show him the structured questions which were prepared for him since he might change his answers for the starting questions after seeing the interview guide. So I had to find a compromise between the two. After that, he made me wait for another 30 minutes since he had to meet an important person before we could carry on with the interview. The interview was short in nature since he had limited time and the end of the interview was like a political correct statement if not an electoral campaign statement.

→ Some questions were not asked so as not to ‘harm' or ‘perform reprehensible acts to' (to borrow terms from Diener & Crandall, 1978:19) interviewees with whom I had established a rapport. For instance, the Minister of Youth and Sports (born 29th October 1957) who referred himself as the President of Young Labour (Youth Wing) of the MLP during the interview could not be asked why this role has not been assigned to someone younger in the Young Labour itself.

→ All my questionnaires had to be filled before the start of December since students would be away on holidays. Thus, I had to be very active to be able to do this especially with the size and type of sampling method I have chosen. This exercise and the analysis of data came out to be somewhat tiresome. Needless to mention about the cost of it.

→ Since the interview was carried out in Creole (with a purpose - mentioned earlier), it was transcribed in Creole language first and then translated to English before the process of analysis could start. This was a quite time consuming exercise. Moreover some Creole words are quite complex to translate to English. The same exercise was done for information in APPENDIX 8.

DATA PROCESSING AND ANALYSIS

The ‘information gathered' / ‘findings' need to be analysed to be able to verify the hypotheses and this leads to the next chapter which is called the ‘Analysis of Findings '. The analysis of the findings is written in the same order as this chapter.

STAGE 1

OBSERVATION

Although the campaign of the SU election shows its first sign on campus only on the 19th October 2009 and ends on the 30th October 2009, the campaign in fact started one month earlier. On Facebook, groups of the different parties were created for the purpose of the campaign which reflects what O'Neill tells us. For this year, there were 4 parties in all: 2 traditional main parties (US and Student Front), an independent candidate and ‘Voice of Students'.

The ‘Voice of Students' is a group of first year students at UoM and unlike the other parties, they do not have hard copy of their programs. Their campaign has been done via Facebook and emails: “As you would have noticed, or will now, we don't have resources to make flyers and banners to campaign…”

(Source: Http://www.facebook.com/group.php?gid=186997304656&ref=mf accessed on 27th October 2009).

However, that does not mean that the other parties have many resources. The manifestos of the other parties have identical style to each other i.e. crammed with the policies proposed as if not to make it longer and not to pay a higher price. Moreover, at the beginning of the campaign, hard copy of the manifesto are not distributed on campus but only in classes where candidates go to present their programs. It is only when the voting days are nearer that manifesto are distributed very freely. This denotes that to some extent that all parties make some restrains because of the resources factor. As Quintelier and Verba et al. have telling us, young people have fewer resources for political participation because of ‘lifecycle effects'.

Moreover, ‘lifecycle effects' does not only restrain the spending of young people but their time as well which as a consequence make them be preoccupied with short term projects like the SU (Iyengar and Jackman 2004). However, as Bessant and Eden et al have pointed out teachers frequently deny students the right to participate in political activities when they take place during class hours. Although this has not been done officially, the second week of the campaign which included the voting days coincided with the test week at the university. Thus, it was observed that many students were not interested in the campaign and the elections.

Although the SU has traditionally been male-dominated, the number of girls in meetings seemed to slightly exceed that of boys. As Randall says when the level of political activism falls, the number of female increases. But in overall, when comparing the number of students on campus and those who have attended any of the meetings, the number is very few. When it comes to voting, it also seems to be the same thing. Apart from the ‘lifecycle effect', another explanation has been observed about this disengagement of students from the SU.

In fact, many of the pamphlets which I collected which students left in their desk demonstrate their dissatisfaction; faces of the candidates were caricatured and insulting things were written about them and their “false promises.” When the manifestos of especially the 2 major parties are analysed, they seem to be mostly copies of each other which in turn are mostly copies of the program of the previous year. On campus, I could hear many students saying that they will not be voting because after having voted last year have never seen their Faculty Representative again. As it could have been observed, voters tend to be mainly year 1 student who have not yet experience this deception before turning their back from SU. Indeed, in some way, it can be said that when needs, demands and promises made to young people are not met, they turn their back from politics.

STAGE 2:

INTERVIEWS

As has been mentioned in the previous chapter, interviewees did not find the need to remain anonymous since they would easily be recognized by some of their traits. Thus, to respect the ethical principle of research, some of the information which was found to be too personal has not been exposed and expressions, body languages and tones during the interview has not been be disclosed.

KENNY

KHIRTEE

The ‘lifecycle effects' explained in the literature review indeed had an impact on Kenny's political engagement. For instance, he would cite an example when he was president of SU and had to go to meet the Minister of Education. On that same day, he had a class test and his lecturer gave him a zero in the test. More so, this corresponds to Bessant and Eden et al. theory that teachers frequently restrict youth to participate in political activities when they take place during class hours.

Being a candidate for the first time and not being a member of the Union, Khirtee was already complaining about the time factor because on the voting days, she would be having a class test, she had to return assignments and she was also missing classes because of the campaign. Moreover, being still a student, neither khirtee nor the candidates is financially independent as explained by Kimberlee. Thus, the money/resources factor plays a role in the number and kind of bandrolls they are using for the campaign.

He also believes that politics carries an image problem just like Edwards has been telling us. He would cite examples where he got some problems with the vice-chancellor and this was even published in newspapers. These incidents had been a barrier on his career opportunities.

Khirtee also believe that conventional politics carries an image problem but her examples are different from that of Kenny. She brings up the gender issue that being a girl she does not intend to “tarnish her reputation” as such a young age by entering into politics.

He has been attending political meetingsand hates their false promises. He intends to engage himself in a political party by definitely not in the existing parties which he qualified as “deviant and without ideology.” But engaging himself conventionally might make him lose some of his freedom and this is his only fear. This demonstrates the ‘negative attitudes' Kenny has on conventional politics which is one of the explanation which distances youth from politics explained in the literature review.

She has decided that her political engagement will be confined only to the University not only because she is a girl but similarly as Kenney she also perceives politics to be “corrupted.”

From the interview of Naveena, it could be deduced that indeed young people believe that politics carries an image problem. For instance, when Naveena joined the MMM Youth Wing in 1997, the party was in the opposition and had only 9 members. When the party came into power in the year 2000, the number of members in the Youth Wing went up to 150. Now that the party is again in the opposition, it has about 25-30 members in its Youth Wing. Naveena explained this phenomenon by the fact that youth fear that they might not get a job had they been in the opposing party.

The Minister interviewed expressed his positive views on young people whom he had been working with for very long before he became the Minister of Youth and Sports. He also believes whatever his party does is done for the welfare of young people notably free education or free educational transport. According to him, these particular facilities will help young people to be empowered and become good politicians in the future. He also cite his own example that when he was young, he could secure a place in a football team which have traditionally existed for some 80 years only because his father and elder brother have been playing in that team. He thus says that the same applies to politics.

STAGE 3:

QUESTIONNAIRE

PROFILE OF RESPONDENTS

The faculty to which the respondent belongs was set for my own personal purpose to have a control over my sample frame; hence it does not serve any purpose in this chapter. As for the ‘sex' of respondents, equal number were targeted but due to some tarnished questionnaires, the sample is reduced to 168 boys and 171 girls which makes a total of 339 respondents. The ‘ethnic origin' variable applies only for the relevant questions. All these have in fact already been explained in the previous chapter.

Since the ‘Chinese ethnic origin' and ‘Others' are under-represented in the sample, findings related to these 2 ‘ethnic group' have not been considered for generalisation purposes.

QUESTION 1: Multiple measure of the concept of the everyday relationship of young people with politics.

It can be observed that the number of boys and number of girls following politics through media differs only slightly with boys being more agreeable that the follow politics through media than girls. As a whole, most youth agree that they follow politics through media while youth people who do not follow politics through media are few in number. With only this simple indicator, no conclusion can be made. A better result is found after the 5 indicators set have been analysed.

Although generally both boys and girls follow politics through media, when it comes to make politics the subject of conversion, the choice ‘undecided' scores the highest for both sexes.

When it comes to the third indicator which measures the political relation of young people, they claim that they know the current ministers and MPs with girls exceeding the number of boys on the option ‘agree' and even ‘strongly agree'.

The fourth indicator reinforces the findings of the previous indicator.

The final indicator of this question indicates that a higher number of young people know the political history of Mauritius with no major difference just like the previous indicators between boys and girls. In fact, this multiple indicator of the concept of the everyday relationship of young people with politics (closed questions) was set at the beginning to encourage the respondents to fill in the questionnaire. As has been explained in Chapter 2, the indicators used to explore the political engagement of youth are confined to that of Randall. However, these findings allow to say that concerning the simple everyday political engagement of youth, there comes to be no major difference between boys and girls and that young people are not that ‘less knowledgeable', ‘ignorant', ‘apathetic', ‘selfish' and so on as described by elders which the discussants Eden et al, O'Toole et al. and Henn et al. say in the review of literature. Similarly Golembek finds that adults consider young people as ‘lack commitment', are ‘self absorbed' and so on when it comes to politics. The findings of above indicators show that the explanation provided by the elderly about the absence of young people in politics does not hold ground in the Mauritian context. However, these findings concern only the simple political relationship of young people and before confirming the invalidity of this explanation, it is fundamental to discover the findings of all the questions.

QUESTION 2

TABLE 2: YOUTH MEMBERSHIP IN A POLITICAL PARTY

 

% Yes

% Intend join in less than 10 years

% Will not join

Male

Female

Male

Female

Male

Female

Hindu

10.6

0

18.6

21.9

70.8

78.1

Muslim

0

0

18.75

11.3

81.25

88.7

Chinese

0

0

0

0

100

100

General Population

5

5.3

15

21

80

73.7

Others

0

0

0

50

100

50

The above table is read as such: 10.6% of the 113 Hindu boys is already member in a political party, 18.6 % of the 113 Hindu boys intend to join in less than 10 years and so on. The most interesting finding is that for the most dominant ethnic group in the sample, the percentage of youth who intend to join politics in less than 10 years for both sexes correlates. This is also the case for those who will not join politics. Not only is the result between both sexes in a particular ethnic group compatible but when the most dominant ethnic group are compared, the data also correlates. What can be deduced is that today's young Mauritian male and female whether in the same or different ethnic group have the same kind of political behaviour when it comes to what Randall calls conventional politics. This political behaviour is alarming because the statistics for which youth does not intend to join politics is very high which connotes what Martekainen et al. tell us that today's youth might not reach the level of political participation currently displayed by the elderly. What can be concluded is that the level of disengagement is so high that neither the gender nor ethnic group variable has an impact of youth membership in a political party. Open questions have been set so that respondents might explain their choices.

EXPLANATION OF RESPONDENTS

A. Member of a Political Party

Only 11 male respondents are member of a political youth wing and 2 are in the main party. Reasons advance by youngsters are diverse and I have quote two of the most contradictory answers:

  • “To rule, be famous and get favoritism. To get a job in Mauritius, politicians' references are important.” (Youth Wing, Hindu, FSSH).
  • “Politics is full of corruption and people have a bad idea of it. I want to change this view of the nation by honestly serving them.” (Main Party, General Population, FOE).

From these two contradictory answers, interestingly both respondents believe in the corrupted face of politics. But one has entered in it to promote what he already thinks to be corrupted while the other one wants to revolutionise it. This kind of behaviour corresponds to what Quintelier, Pammett and LeDuc and Bennett have described as ‘negative attitudes towards politics'. Other repetitive themes that could be grasped from the answers were that youth want to do something for their country and that it starts by them. However, young people taking this type of decisions are very few.

Out of the 171 girls, only 1 girl belongs to a political party and she is in the main party itself. The reason advanced by her for joining is that “because I feel they have the same views and opinions as me” (General population, FSSH).

Although the number of both boys and girls conventionally engaged in politics is few, the number of boys exceeds that of girls which corresponds to what Phillips tells us that women participate less in this form of politics.

B. Wishing to Join Politics In Less Than 10 Years

14 boys wish to join the main party and 15 wish to join a political Youth Wing. The most dominant explanations have been the dissatisfaction of young people towards the political system that lead them to choose to join either a Youth Wing or to integrate in the main party.

One girl would wish to join both a Women's Wing and a Youth Wing, 4 would wish to join a Youth Wing, 9 would wish to join the main party and while no boys have been opting to join a Women's Wing, 18 of the female respondents have chosen to do so. Although they have some common elements of answers as the boys for intending to join, the main reason was because of the sense of injustice they feel towards the under-representation of women in parliament or to what Phillips calls ‘mirror representation'. Words such as “injustice”, “discrimination”, “not inferior”, “improve status”, “fight for women's rights” were not uncommon.

C. Not Wishing to Join Politics

Out of the 168 male respondents, 75% claimed that they are not member in a political party nor intend to join one. Of the 171 female respondents, 81.3% will not be joining politics. Respondents explain their disinterest to be formally disengaged by various reasons.

The way politics is organised in Mauritius does not give them an opportunity: “Since I was born, I always hear the same names, see the same faces and the youth wing are used only to amass political power by politicians. It is boring and not innovative.” (Female, Muslim, FSSH). Respondents further complained about the political system which they “…find…too much religious and race biased.” (Male, Chinese, FOE). Indeed many young people nowadays are against this political system where one has to proclaim his/her community. This is clearly exemplified by the concrete example of the political party ‘Rezistans ek Alternativ' in the 2005 General Elections which is further explained in APPENDIX.

Negative words associated to politicians were not uncommon among which some are: “liars”, “unscrupulous”, “selfish”, “hypocrites”, “unethical”, “self-interested”, “not trustful”, “corrupted”, “self-centered”, “communal” etc. Apart from seeing politics as “a dirty enterprise where everyone has only one aim that is extracting money…” (Female, Hindu, FOE), others also find it as “just business involving money to be able to conduct an election campaign and to be elected and once elected to take advantage of the public money…” (Male, Hindu, FLM). This reflects what discussants Quintelier, Verba et al and Kimberlee find that political participation requires time and money which young people cannot afford due to the ‘lifecycle effects'. Indeed, many of the respondents are “... not interested in joining political parties since modules are already bulky.” (Male, Muslim, FOE). Others will not join “…because politics finally causes harm and problem to people…” (Female, Muslim, FOS) which conveys what Edwards tells us that young people find that politics carries an image problem.

QUESTION 3

TABLE 3: YOUTH LIKELY TO WORK FOR A PARTY OR A CANDIDATE IN AN ELECTION

 

% Yes

% To some extent

% No

Male

Female

Male

Female

Male

Female

Hindu

16.8

4.2

31.0

25

52.2

70.8

Muslim

12.5

3.8

12.5

11.3

75

85.0

Chinese

0

0

0

0

100

100

General Population

5

5.3

15

21.1

80

73.6

Others

0

0

100

50

0

50

This form of political engagement is classified by Randall as ‘Conventional' one and is similar to being member in a political party. Hence reasons that would be advanced by respondents are assumed to be the same as reasons belonging to a political party or not. However, when this table is compared to the one to which respondents belong to a political party or not, there is a slight difference in the statistics for the Hindu and Muslim group and for both sexes. The explanation that could account for this slight rise in political engagement from the previous table might well be that working for a party or candidate in an election would be less time and money consuming for young people to participate.

More so, there is a statistical gap between boys and girls for the Hindu and Muslim group which reflects what Randall says that the participation of women is lower in this form of politics. As for the statistics for the General population, it is mostly constant for both sexes when compared with the previous table. Overall the political participation of young people for this form of participation is still very low.

QUESTION 4

TABLE 4: YOUTH ATTENDING A POLITICAL MEETING OVER THE LAST 5 YEARS

 

% Yes

% No

Male

Female

Male

Female

Hindu

42.5

15.6

57.5

84.4

Muslim

31.3

15.1

68.7

84.9

Chinese

50

0

50

100

General Population

30

31.6

70

68.4

Others

0

0

100

100

This is the third option in what Randall calls conventional political participation. When the 2 previous tables are compared with this one, it is found that youth are more politically engaged by attending a political meeting. Boys are more prone to attending a political meeting than girls which reinforces what Randall tells us. Further, the gender gap between Hindu and Muslim group is found to be larger than the gender gap between the General Population which is also the same finding as above. This is explained by the fact that the Hindu and Muslim group being of Asian origin are more conservative to the fact that females are to be conventionally engaged in politics than General population.

An open-ended question was set to ask young people the reason why they have attended a political meeting and why they have not been doing so. After having analysed the reasons, it was found that reasons need to be classified between political interest and political cynicism.

Shows that only 11.5% of young people have attended a political meeting out of political interest. Thus it can be concluded that generally what Randall calls ‘Conventional Politics', youth has a very low level of involvement. Those not attending a political meeting have also gave their point of view of why is it so. The same repetitive themes to why they would not join a political party come out with some further explanations.

As Henn et al. and Quintelier have found out, young people are very critical and quickly recognize when politicians lie or try to speak on others behalf. They also believe that politicians do not truly care about their needs and fail to address the issues that concern them, or to make the issues relevant to their lives: “Do not have any link with my life, irrelevant matters, fake promises and stupid stories” (Male, Hindu, FOS).

Young people also find that these types of atmosphere might create problems to what Edwards call ‘image problem': “I am not interested and I am very happy because very often the meetings end in chaos with riots and has a dirty atmosphere with foul languages…” (Male, General Population, FSSH). Moreover, apart from recognizing “fake promises” of politicians, young people also recognize “corrupted actions” within them: “in most meetings parties tend to try to bribe people with food and other stuff which is quite discouraging.” (Male, Hindu, FOE).

The results show that if ever young people have to vote, they are most likely to base their voting choice on their own personal views. This finding reassert what the multiple indicator has proved at the beginning that young people are not that ‘less knowledgeable' and ‘ignorant' when it comes to politics although we have seen that they negatively perceive politics and politicians. Further, although Mathur finds that communalism is an important variable for voting behaviour for Mauritian population, this seems not to be the case for today's youth who has been expressing their revolt towards the communal system through the open-ended questions. In a sample of 339 respondents, only 1.5% of young respondents would base themselves on ethnicity for voting.

QUESTION 6

TABLE 5: YOUTH INTENDING TO VOTE AT 2010 GENERAL ELECTIONS

 

% Yes

% Undecided

% No

Male

Female

Male

Female

Male

Female

Hindu

79.6

79.2

16.9

18.7

3.5

2.1

Muslim

62.5

71.7

28.1

24.5

9.4

3.8

Chinese

100

100

0

0

0

0

General Population

65

68.5

25

21

10

10.5

Others

100

50

0

50

0

0

Voting is described by Randall as a first step in political participation. For the major ethnic group, the level of voting among young people is higher for girls than boys which validate Randall's theory in the Mauritian context. When table 5 is compared to table 2, 3, and 4, it is found that the political participation for voting is higher. This data can be accounted to the fact that as voting ‘occurs only rarely' as defined by Randall, young people need not commit time and money which is associated


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