Dance as a Strategy for Social Inclusion
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All societies have some sort of division amongst themselves, whether based on race, religion, socioeconomic status, or some other criteria. Typically, those in the dominant group control the opportunities of those in other groups, more so in some communities than others (Levitas 1998). In overly simplistic terms, the degree to which individuals or non-dominant groups may and choose to join in the opportunities of the dominant society is called inclusion. The degree to which they are prevented or decline from joining in these opportunities is called exclusion. The terms social inclusion and its opposite, social exclusion, came into use in the 1970s in France, and have since been adopted by many countries in the EU (Reeves 2002).
This study seeks to first define social inclusion and identify effective evaluation of social inclusion policy and programming. Alook at the historic role of dance as a means of social inclusion and exclusion is examined, with discussion of the roles of professional dance, dance instruction and performance, and social dance ininclusion. The study defines the requirements of dance projects intended as social inclusion tools to offer access, provision, accommodation, and empowerment. The results from such a program should include enhanced personal development, increased self-determination,and improved social unity. It is important to also consider the costto individuals participating in social inclusion activities, particularly how their changing thoughts, attitudes and goals affecttheir relationships with family and friends.
The study concludes with six examples of well-run social inclusiondance programmes, and a plan for implementing a dance programme with a goal of increased social inclusion.
In the examination of social inclusion or the effectiveness of aspecific tool in social inclusion, it is necessary to further definethe term. There is variation in the academic and political communitiesas to the focus and scope, not to mention purpose, of socialinclusion. Many disagree on the exact definition of inclusion andexclusion and appropriate models to describe their effect onindividuals and the community.
For example, the United Nations holds that social inclusion “must bebased on respect for all human rights and fundamental freedoms, cultural and religious diversity, social justice and the special needs of vulnerable and disadvantaged groups, democratic participation andthe rule of law” (Britton and Casebourne, 2005). The European Social Fund defines social inclusion as “the development of capacity andopportunity to play a full role, not only in economic terms, but also in social, psychological and political terms” (Britton and Casebourne,2005).
“Social inclusion is achieved when individuals or areas do not sufferfrom the negative effects of unemployment, poor skills, low income,poor housing, crime, bad health, family problems, limited to access toservices and rurality, e.g. remoteness, sparsity, isolation and highcosts,” according to the UK government (CESI 2005). The Laidlaw Foundation of Canada states, “social inclusion is about making surethat all children and adults are able to participate as valued, respected and contributing members of society,” while T.H. Marshall, inCitizenship and Social Class, bases the idea of social inclusion on“the right to share to the full in the social heritage and to live thelife of a civilized being according to the standards prevailing insociety (Donnelly and Coakley, 2002; Marshall, 1950).
There are even more definitions of social inclusion not listed here.However, some common elements included in most definitions aresubjective elements, such as feeling part of the community, respectedand valued, and physical elements, such as services within a reasonableproximity, or a certain level of material resources (CESI 2005).
This study contends that social inclusion requires:
• Access - allowing all members of a society entrance to and full participation in its opportunities
• Provision - providing a mechanism for removing barriers betweenpeople groups in a society, including economic, language, and proximitybarriers
• Accommodation - respecting and valuing the differences of itsmembers, whether physical, racial, economic, cultural, or otherwise
• Empowerment - encouraging individuals and people groups within asociety to reach their full potential, as they define it, and fosteringtheir participation at all power levels
Peter Donnelley and Jay Coakley support the above, in their report tothe Laidlaw Foundation, identifying five “cornerstones” of socialinclusion. First, all members of society must be recognized as having value. Individual differences must be respected, and necessary services provided for the entire community. Second, everyone has aright to development opportunities. This is most clearly seen inchildren; for example, recreation programs must be handicappedaccessible to allow for full participation. Third, non-dominantindividuals and groups should be involved in decisions effectingsociety in general and themselves in particular. An application of this would be senior citizens who suggest or plan their own activities,rather than simply participate in those created by paid communitystaff. Fourth, proximity is necessary for successful inclusion overtime. If the dominant group lives, works and plays in a differentlocation or one removed from m arginalised groups, social inclusionactivities will be short-lived at best. Finally, inclusion requires the material resources necessary to truly participate (Donnelly andCoakley, 2002). A teen football player that is unable to afford theproper shoes will never be completely part of the team.
Accordingly, successful social inclusion activity results in:
•Personal development - including self-esteem issues, skill attainment,creativity, and increased likelihood to participate in otheropportunities.
• Self-Determination - in both decision-making and self-expression,for individuals and the community as a whole, with participants takinggreater responsibility over time for both the inclusion project andtheir own personal needs.
• Social unity - improving relationships between members of the community and uniting people groups around common goals.
The effectiveness of social inclusion activities and the achievement ofthe above results are often controlled by the political or leadershipmindset prevalent in the programme. It is important to note,therefore, that the above differ from the definitions set forth by theUK government. The government’s aims include “improved educationalachievement, increased employment prospects, improved health, reduced crime, and improved physical environment” (CESI 2005). Note that theserelate directly to economic concerns, with little consideration forpersonal development beyond the development as a worker, no mention ofself-determination at all, and no mention of social unity or cohesionbeyond a reduction in crime.
Some local governments also take a strong economic focus. The Lancashire County Council defined social inclusion as something that“is to be achieved by involving the poorest of citizens so that theyexperience a rise in living standards, from which they are excluded atpresent due to a host of interrelated problems” (CESI 2005).
This research supports the argument that social inclusion, while having a significant economic component, also involves the personal actionsand attitudes of individuals and people groups in a society. It is the opinion of this study, supported by numerous others, that the outlookand ownership in society of marginalised groups must first change forany true inclusion to take place.
Ruth Levitas, in her book The Inclusive Society? Social Exclusion and New Labour, encapsulates the three primary models for addressing social inclusion. The first and most politically left model is there distributionist discourse, or RED. This model holds lack of materialresources to be the primary cause of exclusion. This leads to a callfor forced redistribution of material resources to achieve social inclusion. The amount of redistribution required for inclusion,however, particularly within a democratic or socialist society, isusually too much for the dominant group to bear. This channels deprived individuals and groups to reliance on “government handouts” and, ultimately, poverty in comparison to the dominant group. Thesociety practicing redistribution attempts to balance the needs of itsmarginalised citizens with the desires of those in power. This is adangerous game, as the resulting incomplete redistribution can lead tosoc ial unrest and economic difficulties for society as a whole(Levitas 1998).
The second model, the social integrationist discourse (SID), is the most centrist given today’s political climate. This model of inclusion focuses on equal access, opportunity, andparticipation in the labour market. The idea is that if marginalised people are given equal access to and participate equally in jobs and job training, they will become part of the greater society. Paid employment raises the standard of living or material resources, which allows them to participate in a wider range of society’s activities.Over time they integrate into the established society. The model presents the concept of community participation, or unpaid work, forthose unable to hold a paying position. This might apply to personswith severe handicaps, substance abuse issues, mental illness, or whoare the primary caregivers of young children or elderly parents. These persons should be encouraged to undertake volunteer opportunities inthe community, and thereby partici pate in society (Levitas 1998).
There are also obvious difficulties with this model. First, it ignoresthe many barriers that marginalised people face when seeking paidemployment, including language and cultural issues, and childcare forsingle parents. These can take many years to overcome, if they areovercome at all (Cook, K. 2004). The model also assumes the availability of jobs and job training, not a reality in our presentlabour market. With the concept of community participation, it isunclear how or where such unpaid work would take place, given thatthese are people who are “unwanted” by the paid employment sector.
The third model, the moral underclass discourse (MUD), is the most politically right model. This assumes that marginalised people are not included in society because they choose not to participate (Levitas1998). According to this model, a young person from a deprived neighbourhood chooses to be poor and to pass by the job training or educational opportunities afforded to him by society. For social inclusion to be successful, these individuals and people groups mustchoose to participate in society. Proponents of this model oftenencourage punishment of some type to individuals who do not comply with programmes aimed at helping them, and rewards to those who comply.
The moral underclass discourse overlooks the complexity of manymarginalised people’s situations. It fails to consider the pressureindividuals face from their culture groups, lack of role models andself-esteem issues, and personal resources to overcome initial barriersto societal participation. The model further fails to identify causesof non-participation.
Any social inclusion activity should identify and target deprivedcommunities or people groups. In addition, an effective long-termprogramme will seek to address the causes of this deprivation, not justthe results of it. Effective solutions will value the input of thosefrom the deprived community and look at the situation from a holisticperspective (Britton and Casebourne 2005). This addressing of causesand empowering of marginalised peoples is not provided for in the moralunderclass discourse.
The government currently pursues policy based on the socialintegrationist model, focusing on providing educational opportunitiesto children to prepare them for later job training, and vocationalopportunities to adults (Reeves 2002). Despite its flaws, it seems themost feasible means of delivery of social inclusion. SID supports theidea that effective inclusion goes beyond simple access issues.Non-dominant groups must be allowed to strive for their full potentialwithin society, raising their standards of participation and acceptanceuntil holistic involvement is achieved. Inclusion, as seen throughthis model, is “about closing physical, social, and economic distancesseparating people, rather than only eliminating boundaries or barriersbetween us and them” (Donnelly and Coakley 2002). While it is possiblefor individuals or groups to be included in some arenas and excluded inothers, this research assumes that inclusion in any for m contributesto inclusion holistically.
True inclusion, however, goes beyond allowing those in non-dominantgroups to simply participate in the activities of the dominantsociety. They must choose to fully engage with the dominant group, andhave opportunity grow and develop to their full potential, andultimately have equal input into the decisions and actions of thesociety as a whole. Both the dominant group and the marginalisedgroups or individuals must work together for social inclusion tooccur.
There are three levels of participation in inclusive situations betweenthe dominant group in a society and marginalised individuals andgroups: assimilation, accommodation, and separation. The type ofinteraction occurring is determined by the amount of change anindividual will undergo to fit into the dominant group or groups in asociety, and the willingness of the society to accept individuals orgroups with characteristics, means, or culture different from their own.
Assimilation occurs when the dominant society chooses to allownon-dominant individuals and groups to adopt its activities, values,and culture, and non-dominant participants choose to adopt suchthings. Groups immigrating to North America historically valuedassimilation, and often neglected teaching their children the culture,traditions, and language of their native land. There was a great valueplaced on these second-generation immigrant children consideringthemselves “Canadian” or “American.” This “melting pot” culturalmelding allowed immigrant children to quickly assimilate into thebroader culture, although often at the cost of many of their own uniqueattributes and traditions (Gamble and Gamble 2005).
A more current example would be an immigrant Muslim woman whoenrolled in university. If this woman chose to adopt the dominantuniversity culture, she might abandon traditional head covering for ahat or hooded jumper. While continuing to dress modestly, she wouldwear clothing that did not distinguish her from her peers. Herinteractions would be in English. She might join clubs and participatein activities, study groups, and the like in a manner similar tonon-Muslim students, perhaps even dating in a manner typical ofuniversity women. If the other students, in general, accepted heractions, she would assimilate to their culture.
If the same woman sought accommodation, rather than assimilation, shewould participate in the academic portions of university, but not tryto be like the other students. She would continue to wear whateverclothing she had worn prior to entering school.
While required to speak English in the classroom, she would use hernative language often. She would abide by her religious guidelines asfar as interactions and activities were concerned. In short, she wouldbe a Muslim woman in a non-Muslim, British institution of highereducation. The university community would choose to accept her,cultural differences and all, or separate from her.
Sometimes, however, inclusion is not achieved because the marginalisedgroups choose not to participate in society. This is calledseparation, and in this case the Muslim woman would not attenduniversity at all, choosing instead to stay within a community ofothers from her native country who share her religious beliefs. Shewould not make any effort to learn English or interact with thedominant society around her. The dominant society rarely makes aneffort to include individuals or groups choosing to self-separate, andsometimes encourages separation (Gamble and Gamble 2005).
Successful inclusion, therefore, requires a desire or willingness onthe parts of both the dominant society and the marginalised individualor group to join together in community. Society must accept theactions of the assimilating or accommodating person, and the personmust accept the boundaries and norms of society.
Further defining social inclusion assumes a desire on the part ofmarginalised groups to join with the dominant society in theircommunity through either assimilation or accommodation.
It is important to consider that some persons or groups self-excludebecause of past exclusion, or because of pressure to conform to theculture of their non-dominant group. Not all individuals from deprivedcircumstances are able to take opportunities when presented. Cultural,self-esteem, economic and other issues come into play.
Dance should be considered in its use as a tool for social inclusion byfirst studying existing programmes and their effectiveness. Evaluatingthe successfulness of social inclusion programmes, particularly danceprogrammes, is difficult. Although great strides have been made inrecent years, most documentation of social inclusion success has beenwith activities focusing on other areas of the arts. Dance, as aphysical medium, is more difficult to empirically examine over time.While studies of dance tend toward feel-good stories and individualnarratives, several works of credible research have been conducted inrecent years.
Evaluators also need to consider the type of dance activity they arestudying. For example, a ballroom dance class aimed atcross-generational integration and appreciation has a far differentpurpose than a performance dance programme aimed at increasing theself-confidence and empowerment of disadvantaged youth. Three types ofdance activities are used in reaching social inclusion aims,performance dance, instructional dance (classes designed for skillattainment, recreation, or health more than public performance), andsocial dance. Research has been done primarily on the effectiveness ofthe first two types of dance, as they occur in controlled environmentslending themselves to analysis.
Performance dance gives groups in the local community theopportunity to work and present their art collectively. This not onlybrings together groups from varied ages, cultures, and socioeconomicbackgrounds for a common purpose, it allows the community to view theirefforts, further reinforcing the inclusive nature of their endeavours(Donnelly and Coakley 2002). Often, professional dancers or communitymembers employed in some form of dance perform with the programme group.
Performance dance programmes are typically evaluated by reactions ofparticipants and audience, fiscal results (including support documentedfrom the local community, and quality of performance (Reeves 2002).Participants and audience members are given surveys, indicating theirreaction to the programme and results of their participation. Thosesurveyed are asked about their outlook, goals, and perceptions prior tothe performance dance activity, and after. The number of peopleindicating positive life outcomes and the degree to which they reportpositive life outcomes can then be calculated and compared with similarprogrammes (Matarasso 1997).
An arts programme for youth in Portsmouth brought togetherprofessional artists and local children, from infant to sixth form.They would work together in a workshop setting, then perform locally.One group of children, for example, worked with the Kokum dancecompany. In this programme, data was collected from the children’steachers, rather than the children themselves. Teachers were asked toevaluate specific items regarding each child’s behaviour, attitude, andperformance in the classroom, providing reliable data regarding benefitthe children derived from participation (Matarasso 1997).
As many of these performance projects are funded wholly or in part bypublic funds, fiscal considerations come into play. Were members ofthe community willing to support the project by purchasing tickets?Was the project able to recoup some of its costs, and if so, how much?Francois Matarasso’s 1999 groundbreaking research, Use or Ornament?The social impact of participation in the arts, deals with the growingemphasis on economic contributions of the arts community to the overallfinancial health of communities and the country, and the importance ofthe arts as an export for the British economy. This is sometimes atconflict with the purposes of those initiating and operating danceprojects. However, as funding is required for most inclusionactivities, it remains an evaluative consideration (Matarasso 1997).
Quality evaluations of performance dance activities aimed at socialinclusion are as controversial as reviews of dance performances ingeneral (Reed 1998). Consensus between those familiar with danceperformance, however, can be a useful tool in evaluation (Reeves2002).
Instructional dance is even more focused on the life impact on itsparticipants. These programmes are typically held in dance schoolenvironments, often in connection with the local schools or a communitycentre, and often focus on children. The dance projects undertaken bythe Merseyside Dance Initiative’s Out of Reach programme areinstructional activities leading to performance. Research conducted byMDI on their dance programmes included survey, interviews, videos,photos, and letters, providing both empirical and subjective resultsfor these activities (Peerbhoy, Smith, and Birchall 2002).
It is important to take into consideration the native languages andages of those surveyed in this type of research. Young children andthose for whom English is an additional language can have difficultywith written surveys. For example, Out of Reach, a report of danceinclusion programmes by the Merseyside Dance Initiative, describes howparticipants were surveyed using a Face Scale, showing seven facesgoing from broadly smiling to frowning. They were then asked toidentify the face that expressed how they felt about their life ingeneral. MDI also used a Cantrils Ladder, where participants ratedtheir life satisfaction by choosing a rung on the ladder to representit (Peerbhoy, Smith, and Birchall 2002). By using this surveytechnique before and after participation, MDI was able to quantifyparticipants’ views on their experience in their programmes. Thisallowed them to use the same survey for children and adults, regardlessof language backgrou nd.
The Merseyside Dance Initiative researchers followed the above surveyswith oral interviews, including a series of questions for allparticipants, an additional question set for senior members of thedance programme, and a third set of questions inclusive of the firsttwo for dance leaders. These were open-ended, subjective questions,such as “What impact do you think Out of Reach has had on your group?”and “Out of Reach is a community project - what does that mean to you?”(Peerbhoy, Smith, and Birchall 2002).
Skill attainment is an important item of evaluation, in addition toself-esteem and similar benefits from an instructional dance activity.Skills can be measured by observation on the part of the instructor orclass leader, with data collected at the beginning and end of the classor activity. Again, results can be compared with similar programmes todetermine effectiveness, or used to project the effects of a project tobe implemented.
Instructional Dance is not immune from financial considerations or thepolitical emphasis on jobs and job training in social inclusionprogrammes. The Enterprise and Cultural Committee’s submission fromthe Aberdeen City Council in 2004 included a number of such goals orachievements, including “the training and development of artists,contributing to the cultural and economic vibrancy of an area,”improved economics, “enhancing the image of Scotland both at home andabroad,” and “training for play workers, youth workers, and careworkers to broaden their understanding and experience in utilisingdance as part of their programmes and everyday work.” Instructionaldance programmes, without performance revenues, tend to face even morevolatile financial situations, and are often offered in directcorrelation to funding availability (Aberdeen 2004).
The third type of dance, social dance, is difficult to quantitativelyresearch. Social dance activities are usually offered by localorganisations and governments as recreational opportunities, withsocial inclusion aims a secondary consideration. The Aberdeen CityCouncil’s report, mentioned above, cited 1402 community dance eventsheld in 2003 / 2004 by their citymoves initiative. These eventsincluded festivals and dance events (Aberdeen 2004).
While participants in a formal dance programme can be surveyed beforeand after their activity or class, this is impractical and, for thatmatter, almost impossible at a festival or public social dance type ofevent. Data can be collected on the number of attendees, any acts ofviolence or physical altercations between people groups, and similarstatistics. General observations made also be made about people’sparticipation and recorded, although subjective. Comparisons betweencommunity situations before and after a series of such programmes arealso often used. For example, did the juvenile crime rate andincidences of vandalism drop after the inception of a weekly youthsocial dance?
Children in the community are also affected by participants in socialdance activities. They are quick to notice who attends and observe whoparticipates in what activities at a festival. The participation orlack thereof by certain groups within the community reinforces thechild’s perceptions of appropriate community interaction, laying thegroundwork for either tolerance and acceptance or bigotry and mistrust(Hanna 1983). This is an important component almost impossible tomeasure through research.
Overall, the need for empirical and fact-based research remains strongfor dance activities, particularly those focused on broader goals suchas improving community social cohesion. Additional studies should beencouraged.
Dance has historically reinforced distinctions between people groupsand social classes, particularly social dance. After all, social danceis usually between friends or romantic interests. There is stronginclination at all levels of society to fraternize in such settingswith members of one’s own social group.
In much of Europe, for example, those of the upper levels of societyparticipated in court dances, while those at lower levels of societyparticipated in country-dances. The types of dances one learned andthe way one carried oneself at the festival, dance hall, or ballroom,quickly communicated the social level or class of that individual. Itis hard to imagine, even a hundred years ago, a duke or duchess lopingaround a typical country-dance, or the typical commoner being acceptedat a royal ball.
To some extent dance remains so today, where a dress worn at formalballs of the wealthy can cost in excess of a working persons wages forsix months. The galas and events reported in the newspapers andmagazines are intended for and attended by the wealthy and theirfriends. By the same token, the patrons at a typical hip-hop club in adisadvantaged neighbourhood would exclude a clean-cut, obviouslywealthy man in business attire. There remains hesitancy between groupsto attend social functions on another group’s turf, or in a communitysignificantly different from one’s own.
Many ethnic communities retain dances from their native cultures,accommodating rather than assimilating to the society around them. Ifthese dances are performed or taught to others in the community, thiscultural sharing can have a strong inclusive effect. However, ifnative dances are reserved by their cultural group to only those withinthe group, the practice of such dances becomes exclusive.
Another type of exclusionary dance programme remains popular today.A number of communities offer dance activities for disadvantaged youth,or those recently released from incarceration, or a similarmarginalised group. By offering services only to one specific group,geographical area, or income level, these programmes may actually detersocial inclusion (Reeves 2002). Deprived neighbourhoods often lack thephysical facilities or funding necessary for dance activities, andindividuals from outside the community may be reluctant to venture in,fearing crime or similar deterrents. Therefore, while these activitiesare obviously designed to serve a specific population and often are ofpositive benefit, they neither allow access to all members of societynor remove barriers between people groups, and therefore cannot beconsidered truly inclusive.
Dance also experiences a higher rate of self-exclusion than some otherart activities. Men are often wary about participating in a danceactivity, as dance is still considered unmanly in some cultural sets.Also, the physical expression necessary in dance is considered immodestor inappropriate by some cultural groups (Reed 1998). Matarassodescribes an art panel activity, the Mughal Tent Project, where womencreate embroidered art panels for public display (Matarasso 1997). Theprogramme serves primarily Muslim women residing in the Leicesterarea. Although there was initial resistance from some husbands,eventually most became supportive of their wives efforts, even watchingthe children so their wives could complete their art. It is unlikelythese husbands would be equally supporting if their wives wereparticipating in a public dance performance (Matarasso 1997)).
New Life and Hope, a community centre serving a deprived area with ahigh number of recent immigrants in the Bronx, NY, USA, noted a similardifficulty with performance dance. Many of the people moving into thecommunity were from Middle Eastern areas, predominantly Muslim withsome Hindu. The centre initially offered several art programmes forchildren and adults, including painting, sculpture, music, theatre, anddance. Very few men participated in these activities. Women andchildren were quick to sign up for spots in painting, sculpture, andmusic, somewhat slower to engage in theatre opportunities, and onlyyounger female children enrolled in any dance offerings (Ortiz 2005).
Significant promotion of the adult dance programme and changes to makeit more culturally sensitive, including dropping dress requirements,were not able to increase enrolments. Women attending other coursesoffered, when questioned why they did not participate in danceactivities, often cited disapproval from their families. It is unclearwhether discontinuing the public performance portion of the danceprogramme (all participants put on a programme for the public at theend of the course) would have made it more palatable to thispopulation, as it was apparently not implemented. Dance wasdiscontinued from the centre’s offerings after two years due to lack ofinterest (Ortiz 2005).
Dance also has historical significance as a means of inclusion within acommunity. From the earliest tribal communities, dance has been a waythe group comes together and reaffirms its unity. Primitive culturesoften use dance as a means to build social cohesion, including adoptingnon-native individuals into their group and marking rites of passage,such as children coming of age or entering into marriage-typerelationships (Kaeppler 1978).
Certain dances themselves have aided in social inclusion at severaltimes in the past. For example, in the early 1900s in the UnitedStates, African Americans introduced a dance called the Shimmy to thelocal Chicago nightclub scene. The dance began to be performedpublicly by several African American dancers in white theatres anddance performance venues. The Shimmy drew whites into clubs onChicago’s South Side, where they began to “observe and ostensibly toparticipate in black culture” (Bryant 2002). The subsequent racialmixing in these clubs “permitted a racial and sexual tolerance uncommonin most of the country at this time (Bryant 2002).
But more importantly, to be effective for social inclusion as definedin this study, dance activities aimed at social inclusion must evidenceall four of the primary criteria previously described.
Access remains the main variable social inclusion in the minds of manyin government. There is strong evidence of this social integrationiststance in our current policies, where groups are believed to remainmarginalised due to their lack of access to job and otheropportunities. Access goes beyond the ability to enrol, however, andincludes allowance for full participation within the activity itself.For example, a person in a wheelchair who was not allowed toparticipate in the dance activity, but instead turned the music on andoff or some such function, would not have full access to the danceopportunity. A former inmate whose participation was restricted byother participants’ unwillingness to associate with him would also bedenied some access to the dance activity.
In a performance dance activity, access requires that members of thecommunity at large have an opportunity to audition and participate inthe performance, including behind-the-scenes work and as a viewingaudience. In instructional dance activity, participants again requirean opportunity to enrol and participate. At this point there is noemphasis on the quality or quantity of opportunities, just that allmember s of a society, whether marginalised or dominant, have an equalshot at the opportunities available. This emphasis on access and roleprovision for individuals seeking inclusion is supported by the socialintegrationist discourse on social inclusion, which emphasizes tasks aspart of the labour market or a community participation activity(Levitas 1998).
Access leaves open, however, the need for inclusive training programsto prepare marginalised groups for successful interaction andparticipation in community events. For example, Potential, theprogramme aimed at dance and disabled people offered by the Foundationfor Community Dance, held a Training and Networking Day for DisabledDancers in January 2005. The day included a technique class for thedisabled, a choreographic skills workshop for intermediate disableddancers, and a training workshop on how to teach dance to thedisabled. While the program was led by disabled dancers and servingdisabled dancers, it was also designed to teach coping strategies anddance skill that would allow disabled dancers to participate innon-disabled community dance activities (NDAF 2005).
Snobbery and fear of areas in which inclusion activities take placewill sometimes deter access by non-marginalised groups. For example,some of the youth participating in the Merseyside Dance Initiative’sOut of Reach programme, although themselves from disadvantagedbackgrounds, attended a private school. They reported their danceactivities to several of their friends, “rich kids” who had expressedan interest in dance. Upon learning the programme costs thirty penceand was held in the library, the affluent youth “seemed to think therewas something wrong with it” and did not seek additional information,even though they were encouraged to do so by Out of Reachparticipants. The social prejudice of these affluent youngsters (orperhaps their parents), to be dancing in the library for such a smallfee, prevented them from pursuing an activity they had stated theywould enjoy (Peerbhoy, Smith and Birchall 2002). While this iscertainly an issue with the youth themselves and not a condemnation ofOut of Reach’s space for dance projects, the access needs of the entirecommunity should be considered when planning and promoting inclusionactivities.
Closely following access to opportunities, excluded groups andindividuals must have the resources or be provided with neededresources to fully participate in an activity. In a dance activity,this would include appropriate clothes and shoes. Some dancers mayrequire medical care or check-ups prior to beginning participation fortheir own safety. Useable space must be available in a location whereanyone interested in participation can attend. The space must also beacceptable to individuals in the society’s dominant group for mixedparticipation to occur. These space concerns affect both practise orinstructional areas and forums for dance performance.
Trained, reliable staffs are another requirement of a successfuldance inclusion project. While volunteers are both a useful andpopular method of providing dance instruction, they are not viable fora long-term programme (Ortiz 2005). Staff salaries are provided formany programmes by public funds, however, as these are renewed everyyear or few years, often at the whim of those currently holdingpolitical power, their provision remains tenuous (Matarasso 1997). Onelocal dance programme relies on volunteer dance leaders. They reportconsidering hiring a dance teacher and charging for services to expandthe programme, but “while some children’s families can afford, it’s asmall proportion of the kids we are working for and if we went out andhired a dance teacher and [charged for classes], I know for a fact thatmost of the kids wouldn’t be coming” (Peerbhoy, Smith, and Birchall2002).
Childcare remains a major provision requirement in many deprivedcommunities, where the number of single parents is high. Adult parentsin such neighbourhoods will rarely spend money on childcare toparticipate in an activity for solely recreational or personalenjoyment. They will, however, enrol their children in inclusive danceactivities at cost to themselves (Cook, K. 2004). Without childcareoffered at little or no cost, single parents lack the provisionnecessary to participate.
Referring again to the Training and Networking Day offered byPotential, attendance in the workshops and teachings offered was freeof charge to participants. Event planners secured the Arena Theatre inWolverhampton to hold the Training Day, a location easily accessible totransportation services for the disabled. The facility itself isdisabled-friendly, and networking activities took the variety ofparticipants’ physical limitations into consideration (NDAF 2005).
In addition to the achievement of access and provision requirements,marginalised groups and individuals must be valued and respected fortheir unique backgrounds and abilities. It is important to incorporateexcluded people into the community without requiring major adjustmentsto their behaviours. This not only contributes to the richness ofsociety as a whole, but also encourages tolerance and understandingbetween people and groups of different backgrounds. Respectfulaccommodation allows all people within a society to work togethertowards common goals, whether they are a dance performance, learningexperience, or broader aim such as reducing crime or improving jobopportunities.
Successful accommodation often requires education on the part ofboth marginalised individuals and groups, and the dominant in society.Dance activities provide a low-risk forum for this education to occur,as it often does informally, as well as an opportunity for those fromone group to make friends and acquaintances with those from anothergroup. This attitude should be modelled and reinforced by staff andvolunteers in any inclusive activity. Specific planned accommodationactivities may also be incorporated into the dance programme.
The Foundation for Community Dance, which sponsors Potential andother dance programmes, offers activities for both disabled andable-bodied dancers. While the disabled have their own trainingclasses and dance performance opportunities, they also have theopportunity to participate in projects not aimed specifically at theirtarget group. In these projects, disabled and able-bodied dancers havethe opportunity to work together, to the benefit of both groups (NDAF2005).
In a well-planned social inclusion project, as participants learn andadvance within the programme, they should gain more and variedopportunities to choose what they need for their own personaldevelopment and to reach their own goals. Participants should alsoincreasingly move into leadership and management roles. When thedominant group of a society continually controls leadership, long-terminclusion is not the result (Reeves 2002). Ideally, there should be asharing of leadership amongst all people groups involved in theactivity.
Often, this is the most difficult phase of a social inclusionactivity. Many projects go forth under the guise of social inclusion,but are really aimed at controlling some social or political problem.For example, is the dance programme designed to bring togetherteenagers from a variety of social and ethnic backgrounds, or keep“those kids” off the streets? If the programme was not truly designedfor the purpose of inclusion, the originators of the project will behesitant or unwilling to relinquish power to those participating in theprogramme. This then becomes an activity of social control, not socialinclusion (Donnelly and Coakley 2002).
This often requires training for typically excluded individuals, whomay have had little or no prior experience in leadership roles or groupdecision-making. It requires willingness and ability on the part ofthe original activity leaders to share control with others as theydevelop, and continued support from funding sources as empowerment indecisions is spread within the programme. Proper planning for thisprocess at the outset of a social inclusion project greatly increasesits chances for continuance and success (Matarasso 1997).
Obviously, Potential provides opportunities for participants in itssocial inclusion dance activities to progress into leadership roles.The Training Day programme in January 2005 featured dance instructorand choreographer Kate Marsh, herself a disabled dance practitioner.One of the workshops offered featured disabled dance instructorsteaching disabled dancers how to teach and lead classes. Potential theorganisation promotes itself as “for disabled dancer artists, led bydisabled dance artists” (NDAF 2005).
As previously stated, there is a lack of historical data regardingthe effectiveness of social inclusion programming using dance.Matarasso, in his Use or Ornament? study, examined a broad variety ofarts programmes, including dance, for their effectiveness in socialinclusion (Matarasso 1997). It remains one of the only researchprojects undertaken with such a wide scope and focus on measurabledata. A number of programmes have begun analysing their offerings andresults in recent years, adding support to Matarasso’s findings.
Research findings show that participation in social inclusion danceprojects increase the confidence and self-esteem of many participants.Youth participating on Merseyside Dance Initiative dance teamsincreased their highest rating of life quality by 2% to 36%, dependingon the programme. The two programmes with lower gains had verypositive scores on their initial survey, resulting in similar finalscores across all five programmes compared. In addition, responses inpersonal interviews often cite increased confidence and self-esteem asbenefits derived directly from the dance program (Peerbhoy, Smith, andBirchall 2002).
Matarasso found 84% of adult and 77% of child participants in asocially inclusive arts programme reported increased confidence afterparticipating in the project. “Participants repeatedly stressed thevalue of a supportive and cooperative atmosphere, where everyone’sefforts and ideas were appreciated,” as a reason for gains inconfidence and self-esteem (Matarasso 1997). Many adults reportedfeeling inadequate about their dance and artistic abilities prior toparticipation, but were pleasantly surprised by their achievements andgains. This increased self-value correlated directly with surveyresults (Reeves 2002). In addition, almost 30% felt that they couldnot only begin to assume leadership roles, and were better able to doso than before (Matarasso 1997).
Participants in such projects also attained measurable gains in skill.In addition to the obvious increase in dance skills, participantsincrease social skills and attitudes toward learning experiences.Children participating in the performance art partnership in Portsmouthsaw great improvement, for example, in their attitude toward learning.“They see they can achieve,” reported one teacher. This sense ofaccomplishment then directly impacted their academic work. Over 83% ofthese children had strongly positive progress in general skilldevelopment, as assessed by their teachers, and 87% indicated theywanted to participate in additional arts activities (Matarasso 1997).
Both adults and children found dance stimulating to their creativityand ability for self-expression. 62% of adults surveyed indicated thatthe opportunity to express themselves was an important and a reason forparticipation (Matarasso 1997). As one young MDI dancer stated,“getting used to using your own ideas with other peoples’ and workingclosely with other people, I think it’s better than constantly beingtold what to do and the way to do it” (Peerbhoy, Smith, and Birchall2002). 72% of participants in inclusive arts projects felt healthier,and the number of those reporting anxiety and depression dropped.Those enrolled in dance and art programmes were also more likely topursue other available learning opportunities. “37% percent of adultssaid that participating in the arts had encouraged them to take up newtraining or educational courses” (Matarasso 1997).
Self-determination can be measured to two major sub-divisions, theincreased ability to make decisions and take responsibility forpersonal needs, and the increased role in leadership anddecision-making for the inclusion project itself. Generally, asparticipants experienced increased confidence and self-esteem, theybegan to take more responsibility for their lives. Low-income womenwere found to more rapidly move into independent living when involvedin community participation activities such as dance and art programmes(Cook, K. 2004). Similarly, youth from deprived neighbourhoods werebetter able to resist peer pressure to vandalise buildings in thecommunity after participation in an inclusion project (Ortiz 2005).
Half of participants in arts and dance inclusion programmes want tobe involved in the organisation of future activities, a much higherlevel of desire for leadership than typically found in communityorganisation. Those programmes that allow participants to progressinto leadership roles are found to be more effective in achievingsocial inclusion results (Matarasso 1997). Participants are morelikely to move into leadership roles in projects where access toleadership opportunities is specifically provided for and participantshave a strong sense of the value of the project in their community.For example, Merseyside Dance Initiative’s course to train danceleaders provides a way for participants to move from dancer todecision-maker (Peerbhoy, Smith, and Birchall 2002). 84% of programmeparticipants in surveyed Matarasso’s research were able to describe thepurpose of their project, often clearly indicating the activity’ssocial value to the commun ity (Matarasso 1997).
Assertions arise regularly that social inclusion activities assist themajority of marginalized groups and individuals in democraticactivities, such as voting, and empower them with an increased sense oftheir rights. While logical, this is not strongly supported byresearch. A small number of inclusion activity participants do becomemore active in their local governance; most cite a general increase inawareness, rather than activity (Reeves 2002). Also, although manyhave argued that social inclusion activities increase participants’understanding and ownership of their rights in the community, only 21%of adults and 12% of children indicated this (Matarasso 1997).
Of interesting note, many dancers in MDI’s Out of Reach programmelooked at their regular evaluation survey only as a way of solicitinginput from dancers. One participant stated, the company asked dancers“about the way we feel about the way things are run.” According to theparticipant, leaders in other companies “never really spoke to you, orasked for your opinion on things with a view to change.” Theparticipant reported feeling encouraged and empowered by this practiseof allowing dancers to influence decision-making within the danceorganisation (Peerbhoy, Smith, and Birchall 2002).
Dance inclusion programmes also result in greater unity within thecommunity. In some areas, particularly urban and very ruralenvironments, there are high levels of isolation. Dance provides aneeded social outlet, and can become the social highlight of manypeople’s week. 92% of participants in arts and dance programmesreported making new friends through their involvement in theseactivities (Matarasso 1997).
Perhaps more importantly, participation in social inclusion programmesmade people more aware of the value of those outside their own group.54% of those surveyed by Matarasso “felt they had learnt about otherpeople’s cultures.” The response of a man from Batley was typical: “Iwas challenged on subjects I had never properly understood before…racism, sexism, and homophobia.” Senior citizens, who had formerlybeen anxious and fearful of local youth, reported they “feltdifferently after working alongside them in arts activities (Matarasso1997). Fear of crime between groups decreased with the introduction ofprojects targeting social inclusion (Reeves 2002).
Participants in the Merseyside Dance Initiative’s Out of Reachprogramme often reported meeting new people in the immediateneighbourhood, although often from different social groups. “Allparticipants of Out of Reach said that being part of the programmeenabled them to meet and make friends with others, often those livingin close proximity to them.” Those involved came from a variety ofcultural, racial, and social backgrounds, providing a broadeningexperience for all involved (Peerbhoy, Smith, and Birchall 2002).
Community regeneration is a naturally following result of increaseddevelopment and empowerment of community residents, and a heightenedability to work together. “Funded interventions in areas of economicdeprivation… show that dance can play a serious part in regenerationstrategy (Peerbhoy, Smith, and Birchall 2002). “Several of the artsprojects had an impact simply by raising people’s expectations”(Matarasso 1997). As “owners” of their communities, residents begin toexpect each other to behave more responsibly. Tolerance for littering,vandalism, and other destructive activities diminishes, exerting peerpressure on other community members. People involved in communityprojects are less likely to ignore criminal activities (Reeves 2002).This change of attitude improves the neighbourhood, which in turncauses the attitudes of others in the community to improve. Typically,40% of adults and 15% of childr en reported their feelings about wherethey lived had improved due to their participation in arts programmeswith a social inclusion component (Matarasso 1997).
For some participants, inclusion benefits come at a cost. As a memberof a marginalised group begins to participate more fully in thecommunity, he or she may become more assertive in working towardsself-established goals or participating in additional activities. Thiscan cause friction with those closest to the individual. Families andfriends are often initially resistant to the changes in thoseparticipating in inclusion programmes, even when the changes are whatwould be considered positive by the community as a whole. There issometimes a feeling that the participant is abandoning his or her priorculture, and those closest to the participant may even beginundermining his or her aims and goals.
This reemphasises the need for an accommodation approach to inclusionactivities, and the provision of a supportive environment where boththe individual and the community can adjust to the changes broughtabout by social inclusion activities. Accommodation allows theindividual to retain cultural and social attributes necessary tocontinue positive relationships within his or her group, and improvesthe rest of the group’s perception of the changes taking place.
All the theory and statistics presented above are worthless withoutfocus on the people social inclusion activities are intended to serve.People make the model, so to speak, and without them there is neitherinclusion nor dance. Therefore, it was felt to be beneficial toinclude in this study brief snapshots of several programmes that haveachieved both the four requirements and the three results of socialinclusion. Groups have been organised according to the populationserved by the specific programme, with descriptions of the group, theirsocially inclusive programmes and results.
Youth Mission Dance, of Bridgeport, CT, USA, provides free danceinstruction and performance opportunities to pre-teenagers (ages ten tofourteen) in the city of Bridgeport and surrounding Fairfield County.While initially attracting only poor, inter-city girls, primarily ofAfrican American and Hispanic backgrounds, the quality of the programand opportunities to travel as part of the dance troupe began toattract dancers from predominantly Caucasian, affluent FairfieldCounty, which borders Bridgeport on two sides. The programme has threepart-time staff persons and several volunteers. The Youth MissionDance Team has performed in New York City, USA, and Hartford, CT, USA,in addition to local performances in Bridgeport and severalneighbouring towns (YMD 2004).
The programme first provided access and accommodation for thevariety of young people they hoped would join. Participation was notlimited by a maximum income level or geographic restrictions, as istypical of free sporting activities in the area. As Bridgeport has agrowing immigrant population with varied cultural values, specificdance attire was not required, and an all-girl class was available.Dance teachers attended a one-day workshop on ethnic diversity.Provision was made through a grant from a local charitable foundationthat allowed classes to be offered free of charge, and two localbusinesses each sponsored a trip for the advanced level dance class.Participants from wealthier families were encouraged to make donationstowards the organisation according to ability. Youth in the Bridgeportarea who requested them were provided with bus fare cards for travel toand from dance activities. Plans were also included to train studentscompleting a certain number of progressive classes as dance teachersand choreographers (YMD 2004).
After three years in operation, the Mission reports 88 young peoplehave participated (81girls and 7 boys); 37 of the girls have attendedfor the entire three years of the programme. Results tabulated fromformal interviews indicate that nearly 70% of those interviewed feltthat participation in the dance classes increased their self-confidenceand self-esteem. The number rose to 100% for those also participatingin the performance dance team. Nine of the participants stated thatbeing involved with the group helped them stay motivated in school.While questions related to desire to serve in leadership were notincluded in the interviews, four of those surveyed indicated they wereplanning to take dance teacher training when they were old enough andit was offered, and three of these indicated considering dance ordance-related vocations as a future career (YMD 2004).
More importantly, nearly 96% of participants felt they had benefitedfrom the increased racial and socioeconomic mix of dancers in 2004.70% had made a friend of a different background with whom they spoke orinteracted outside of dance activities. Almost 90% stated they wereless judgemental and/or fearful of peers from a different background.As one of the stated goals in the organisation’s charter was to improverelations between racial and economic groups in the Bridgeport area,those at Youth Mission Dance are quite please with these results (YMD2004).
The Youth Mission Dance organisation has additional objectives inkeeping with its organisers’ theoretical support of socialintegrationist discourse. The program states in its literature thatone purpose of the dance programme is “to build confidence anddiscipline in local youth that will enable them to excel in futureeducational and vocational endeavours” (YMD 2004). Severalparticipants reported their achievements had encouraged others in theirfamilies to seek employment, enrol in educational instruction orvocational training, or pursue some other educational or vocationalgoal (YMD 2004). This programme, therefore, could be considered anexample of SID theory at work.
Boys and men have been underrepresented in dance activities in the pasthundred years, as it has been seen as inappropriate or feminine toparticipate in performance dance. Males, then, form their ownmarginalised group in the dance community. To address this excludedgroup, the Merseyside Dance Initiative’s Out of Reach organisationbegan a “Boys Only” dance programme for youth in years 5, 6, and 7.Most boys were initially interested in joining the programme afterseeing other boys or a male dancer perform. The boys participated indance classes with male teachers, had the opportunity to work withseveral dance companies, and performed by themselves and with others(Peerbhoy, Smith and Birchall 2002).
Out of Reach specifically states that they felt integration of boysinto dance activities was primarily a matter of access andself-exclusion. That is, while classes of all girls are rampant in thedance community, programmes aimed at boys were practicallynonexistent. Boys entering the programme acknowledged concerns overtheir perceptions of male dancers: that they are homosexual, that theyare soft and / or effeminate, and that they look silly performing indance. Creating an all-male atmosphere addressed both access andexclusion issues for the participants (Peerbhoy, Smith and Birchall2002).
Equally important was the provision of dance leaders the boys couldview as role models. Analysis of case studies of the Boys Onlyprogramme reveals a strong emphasis on “the meaning and value of dance”and an acknowledgement of the importance of relationship between thedance leaders and participants. Dance leaders are expected to “focuson communication and awareness, realising the need to be sharp but nottoo disciplined with the [boys] they are working with.” Additionally,dance leaders should be “able to present as enthusiastic and honest inorder to create a relaxed learning environment (Peerbhoy, Smith andBirchall 2002).
Boys participating indicate an increase in self-confidence andskill, while their schoolteachers “welcomed and encouraged danceactivity in their school.” The programme has seen continued growth,with more and more boys joining each year. This is a strong indicationof the gradual wearing down of negative perceptions of male dancers inthe community. The Boys Only programme was show to “have the potentialto influence career choice, to change the stereotyped views of whoshould dance,” to increase social contacts, and offer the opportunityto participate in performance (Peerbhoy, Smith and Birchall 2002).
A group of Protestant churches in Boston, USA, sponsored severalprojects aimed at the social inclusion of recent refugees from variousAfrican war-torn nations. The Peace in His Name projects were inresponse to isolated but increasing occurrences of ethnically andracially motivated violence between youth members of the refugeepopulation and groups from deprived Boston neighbourhoods. Programmesfor both children and youth were provided, and included art, theatre,and dance opportunities. Special classes on American life were alsoprovided for refugees and their families. These were voluntary, andnot required for participation in art activities. However, nearly halfof the art participants or a member of their household attended atleast one American life workshop (Perez and Perez 1996).
Peace in His Name located the events in several churches near theaffected areas. Churches were chosen on the basis of the usefulness oftheir facilities and the neutrality of their congregations, that is,none of the three host churches had large populations of refugees ormembers of the neighbourhood groups. Performance dance teams wereorganised at no cost to participants, with a central dance performancearranged for the end of the summer. Each team included team leadersfrom both the refugee and Boston-born groups; leaders were young adultswho had been trained to assist the youth in working together and hadcommitted themselves to work to achieve an end to community disruptions(Perez and Perez 1996).
Informal discussion groups during and after the Peace in His Nameprojects were used as one way to evaluate project success. Discussionleaders reported group and activity participants were more likely toconverse directly with each other, and in a respectful way, as theprojects progressed. In addition, church leaders noted a significantdrop in violent events during and following the projects, and policereported overall juvenile crime in targeted areas decreased by 14%.While these results cannot be attributed solely to the church-sponsoredprojects, the changes reported in participants and their attitudestowards each other certainly played a role in the decrease in violence(Perez and Perez 1996).
Motionhouse Dance Theatre conducted an eighteen-month dance projectaimed at social inclusion in an adult, category B prison in EastStaffordshire. Inmates eligible to participate in the programme werepart of a Therapeutic Community operated within the all-male prison.Instruction was provided through five full day residencies and severaltwo-week residencies; this concentration of dance instruction is longerthan the typical class (Cook 2004).
Participants were not coerced or rewarded into participating;enrolment in the programme was completely voluntary. All non-psychoticresidents of at least average IQ were eligible to participate.“Everyone, residents included, shifted between the role of being astudent and a teacher within the partnerships in which the skills werepractised” (Cook 2004).
The success of the project was measured by recorded responses ofresidents and observations of staff from the therapeutic community.Residents expressed feelings of being “normal” for the first time sincecoming to prison. Staff noted residents appeared to take much pleasurein both their cooperative and individual achievements. Men masteredadvanced dance skills, including the ability to “fly.” “The men becameaccomplished to lifting and taking someone else’s’ full weight usingthe moving persons’ momentum in order to momentarily sustain theirpartner’s position in the air.” Dance movements included thoserequiring specific timing and trust between members of the group (Cook2004).
A social dance programme was undertaken by Ysbyty’r Tri Chwm, a mentalhealth Day Care unit for older people with mental health problems inEbbw Vale. The nursing staffs were
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