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The Main Ideas Behind Human Security Politics Essay

Info: 1484 words (6 pages) Essay
Published: 1st Jan 2015 in Politics

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The main idea behind human security is to provide peace and security for the citizens both with nation-state and to ensure their protection against threats from the outside. A key source of military battle that gives focus for the Western world’s insight of the risk to human security was detached when the Cold War came to an finish. In fact, as early as the 1970s, the United States extended its explanation of national security to take in global economics, when it became ‘obvious that the US economy was no longer the independent force it had formerly been, but affected by financial policies in a dozen other countries’.2 But ‘a fully-fledged dispute about the importance and re-conceptualization of security/protection did not start until the early 1980s’.3

Human security is a contained scope. It doesn’t cover all important, necessary, and profound features of human living. Rather is classifies and protects a inadequate vital core of human abilities and activities. This many have recently been described by fundamental human rights, or absolute needs, and basic capabilities.

This core is a non-technical term which is a concern which lies behind human security. This may be defined or explained in the space of capabilities, the freedom people have to be and to do. Key components of this vital core are essentially human rights, which all persons and organizations are obliges to provide and receive respect, even if these responsibilities are not perfectly specifiable. The freedom and the rights in the vital core relate to survival, to livelihood, and to basic dignity. People which enjoy the rudimentary security as to their livelihood, survival, and self-respect even during awful conditions such as poverty, disaster, and war.

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The working definition doesn’t state the freedoms and rights that relate to the vital core outside recognizing these three categories. The task of arranging among capabilities and rights, each of which is debatable by some to be essential, is a value decision and difficult one, which may be assumed by suitable organizations. Yet this decision is a circuital one if human security is to be effective and realistic. Due to this there is a foreseeable stress between (i) the need for participating engagement and analysis of this “core” by many, specially by those whose safety is endangered, (ii) the need for NGO’s, international agencies, and public associations , among others, clearly to define a vital core and to introduce processes and organizations which prepare to protect it effectively. The imperfect but operational response to this stress is to continue a self-consciously unclear, wide working understanding of human security, and to articulate processes for operationalizing, this definition in existing circumstances by controlled organizations, for different populations.

The key concept of human security is a “people-centered” concept. It emphases the attention from different institutions on human security and their societies worldwide. This focus on human beings separates human security from the objective of defending states areas that controlled security policies in the 19th and 20th centuries. Human security changes that focus to individuals despite of race, religion, gender, ethnicity, or any other characteristics.

The human security approach matches the movement in economic improvement and international policies to move and the emphasis from instrumental focus (such as state rights, and growth) to human development and human rights. In doing this the humans become the “end” of improvement, not only as a “mean” to increase efficiency or legal logic, and these different activities become “people-centered”.

The aim of human security is directly on human lives. But in order to protect individuals lives efficiently, actors must identify and deliberately prepare for distinct threats. Threats which are made to humans are critical – that is, they threaten to cut into daily or core activities and functions of human lives. Such threats may be sudden- as in economic collapse, but they need not be, for what is defined as threat as critical is its tragic depth rather than the suddenness. Additionally the dangers are pervasive, meaning the treat is at a larger scale example of this might be to do with large amount of populated countries, another is a treat which may come again and again, such threats could be environmental and nuclear, or even at such a magnitude that they may never recur.

Human security threats have different mechanism of operations. Threats such as genocide or soil degradation may have a direct impact on the humans live. Other threats are indirect, threats such as overinvestment in military or in debt due to underinvestment in certain areas, which leads to the collapse of public health care sectors, or when a country have very low education standards. Human security relates to both of these kinds of threats.

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Different types of attempts have been made to give an adequate conceptualization of human security. There are two major contemporary theories of international relations. One of these approaches is based on noe-realist theoretical context, which aim is to maintain an ongoing emphasis on the primacy of the state within broadened conceptualization of human security. This type of approach is also known as the “new security thinking”.4.This approach is built on a set of assumptions that fundamental effort to dislodge the state as the main referent of security, while placing larger importance on the inter-dependency and trans-nationalization of non-state performers. Buzan claimed that the ‘straitjacket’ militaristic method to safety that controlled the discourse during the Cold War was ‘simple-minded’ and lead to the underdevelopment of the idea.6The ‘critical’ or postmodernist method to human security, replicated in the work of Ken Booth, he claims that human security is eventually more significant than states security.9 The postmodernist conceptualization of security does not compare state security with human security. Booths view, states and suggest that governments must no longer be the sole referents of the security, because governments are supposed to be the “protectors of “the peoples’ security”, have become the sole source of uncertainty for the numerous people who live below their power, rather than the equipped forces of a different country.10. This method tests the idea of a state as an current and tolerable source of security to its people. Both methodstry to address the non-military dangers to human security.

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The major modification lays in the way these analyses point to action. The enlargement of safety to conceive of more than just armed threats increases the argumentative question: ‘What is it that needs to be madesafe?’1 1asanoutcome, the continuing (security) discussion centers on the identification of a principal referent or unit of security has been central to a continuing (security) argument. Arguments for the state to remain the main referent of safety must not mean upholding the state as the sole or unitary referent of security. But somewhat it means that the safety of the state, in specific a state that is weak, should continue to remain primary, since the ‘main aim is to build the volume of the state to deliver and keep security for its citizens’.1 2 In other words, while the conceptualization of security must make the safety of individuals and human beings its end, the state, as the means, cannot be detached as the key referent. After all if the state is to deliver and uphold security, it has to be protected itself or to use Buzan’s words, ‘it has to be or become a strong state’.1 3.

This reason, of course, needs explaining. What establishes a state? Using the conventional explanation, a nation is consisting of a territory/land, government, and people. In additional disagreements the whole (that is the state), comprising all its essential parts, has a mutual relationship with the individual parts. The state cannot be protected if its essential parts are self-doubting or unbalanced. At the same time, if the nation as the organization demonstrating its essential parts is weak or doubtful in relative to other states, its elements will also be affected by such weakness or insecurity. Booth has debated that national security was used by ‘governments that stood as protectors of their peoples’ security, to cover reality and hide what essentially was the security of their regime and its followers and consequently be dislodged as a primary referent of security’.1

 

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