This essay is about Zika virus effects in Uganda and how this virus has affected people of Uganda and what steps are taken by the Uganda government to cover these issues. For this virus, the global health investigation of social, cultural and political processes through which ideas about health and disease are presented, interpreted, justified, and legitimized pay attention to the diversity of individual health and disease experiences. The Zika virus has revealed the interaction of multiple narratives and political agendas in the constitution of meanings about this disease. In addition to revealing tensions, contradictions and inequalities in health policies in Uganda, the Zika virus illustrates broader issues. The political tensions identified here concerning the fight against neglected diseases, social and economic determinants, class and gender framed in dynamics that extend beyond the borders of Uganda. In this sense, the process of signification and the current responses to the Zika virus are revealing the current limits of global health. The political dimension in global health clears the technical visions in Uganda. The mask of neutrality and scientific works to obscure the fact that global health is, from its genesis and in its more contemporary forms, a place of reproduction of logics of exclusion and neglect. Global health is seen as deeply related to global political structures and relationships that promote the inequality, vulnerability and disadvantage of some groups and regions which are affected by Zika virus.
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Zika Virus is a virus transmitted by yellow fever mosquitoes (same as transmitting dengue fever) and Asian tiger mosquitoes. The Zika virus had its first appearance recorded in 1947, found on monkeys in the Zika Forest in Uganda. The main contagion by the Zika virus known as (ZKV) caused by the bite of a mosquito that, after feeding on the blood of someone can transport the ZKV throughout its life, transmitting the disease to a population that does not have antibodies against it. The transmission cycle occurs as follows, the female mosquito deposits its eggs in containers with water. When they leave the eggs, the larvae live in the water for about a week. After this period, they become adult mosquitoes who are ready to sting people. The prodigious speed and the adult mosquitos lives on average of 45 days (Besnard et al., 2014). Once the individual is bit by a mosquito, it usually takes 3 to 12 days for the Zika virus to cause symptoms.
The most common symptoms of Zika virus are commonly identified among individuals. When this virus attacked on any person, these issues will be face, fever, uneven redness of the vaccine, joint pain and pink eyes. Zika is not a symptom of a high proportion of patients. It is very useful for viral scientists who believe that Zika can easily be set up in Uganda and other tropical countries because people are not aware that they are becoming infected. The prevention process of Zika virus, there is no special treatment or vaccine for zoonotic virus infection. Supportive management, including relaxation, drying, diuretics and punctures. Anti-inflammatory drugs for aspirin and others should be avoided until dengue is released from bleeding in patients with dengue risk. Other general measures to prevent mosquito bites are focused, including individual protection ( trousers, light clothing, insect repellents, mosquito nets), especially known chewing times (early morning and evening). The objective of mosquito breeding methods at the Community level in dry and humid conditions or the use of pesticides is to eliminate the potential for propagation (e.g., pots of pot plants, water-based tire wear).
The all pregnant women travelling to areas where Zika should be sent should be tested. Consider a continuous ultrasound that monitors fetal and fetal growth. Positive or uncertain that the Zika virus results in every 3-4 weeks. The child should be tested after several weeks of his birth. People who live or have been in the area with the removal of the active Zika virus and pregnant spouses should avoid sexual rites or use a condom during sexual intercourse. Similar guidelines apply to men regardless of a sexual partner who is worried about moving Zika.
The Zika virus reveals the interaction of multiple narratives and political agendas, the constitution of meanings about this disease. In addition to revealing tensions, contradictions and inequalities in health policies in Uganda, the Zika virus illustrates broader issues (Calvet et al., 2016). The political tensions identified here are; concerning the fight against neglected diseases, social and economic determinants, and class and gender are framed in dynamics that extend beyond the borders of Uganda. In this sense, the process of signification and the current responses to the Zika virus are revealing the current limits of global health.
The political relationships are underlying health governance policies that it is pertinent to speak of a critical approach to global health. This critical approach stems from the recognition of the political, social and ideological dimension and includes the following four axes. The investigation of social and cultural processes through which ideas about global health presented, interpreted, justified, legitimated and contested with global health constituted through social processes in construction means (Cao-Lormeau et al., 2016). This meaning is not univocal in the sense of a universally accepted understanding, the case of the Zika virus, the constitution of meaning s revealed the interaction of multiple areas of significance and political agendas.
The political and media that ‘ health is global ‘. The virus of Zika contributed to accentuating this idea in public opinion. Although it has only recently become part of common sense, global health concession is the result of a long historical process (Cao-Lormeau et al., 2014). Its genesis has been identified in the International Sanitary Conferences held since 1851, through which it was sought to harmonize at the international level containment of certain infectious diseases. The idea of global health is a narrative according to which globalization brings the peoples and regions of the world together, creating a situation in which everyone is ‘united by contagion’. This narrative, globalization means a deepening of cooperation and consensus, taking as a scenario a common experience on worldwide diseases. The perception of health as a global phenomenon is framed in an essentially apolitical view of global governance, based on the belief in the human capacity to develop technical solutions (technological, pharmacological, administrative or bureaucratic) to respond to crises or problems.
The legal figure of the international ‘health emergency’ recently invoked by the virus Zika virus importance given to these technical solutions. The global health is more than the result of ‘common threats’ and ‘growing cooperation’ (Zammarchi et al., 2015). The problematization of diseases in relation to population movements and geographical space cannot be separated from dynamics that are, in their genesis, of political and social scope (Cugola et al., 2016). A more comprehensive view of health and disease ideas reveals a history of permanent tension and conflict. An example is an anxiety related to immigrants, to aliens, to those who are or appear to be ‘ different ‘ (in racial, religious, and other terms), and who are now seen as carriers of diseases now as burdens for health systems.
This control process is based on the restriction of movement, but rather on the principle of triage, that is, the separation of people and ‘desirable’ products (whose circulation is facilitated) from the ‘undesirable’ (Tappe et al., 2014). This concern is present in the latest version of the International Health Regulations. In these norms, it is possible to witness a close relationship in the global political project between health, an image of the world liberalism based on the promotion of certain forms of useful economic life (and the consequent disavowal and repression of other forms of life (Foy et al., 2011). International cooperation is thus marked by a fundamental concern: the containment of certain infectious diseases, preventing their arrival in the Western developed which is known in the world.
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The Zika on the global agenda and the focus on the association between Zika and microcephaly has underlined the supposed ‘ novelty ‘ of the disease. The idea of the Zika virus as an emergency has accentuated this process (Savidis et al., 2016). However, for millions of Uganda, the Zika crisis has obscured a deeper problem a real daily emergency that greatly affects their lives. Since 1986, Uganda has been suffering from dengue virus almost uninterruptedly, and currently, all four serotypes of the virus circulating in the country.
The seriousness of a situation that has largely gone unnoticed in the context of global health whose current agenda remains almost exclusively focused on the containment of the Zika virus and on the use of mostly pharmacological or technological solutions aimed at vaccines or vector (Haddow et al., 2012). Uganda, like many other countries in the world, has a weak history of control and prevention parvoviruses, which have been neglected to the point of becoming, for many sectors of the population, phenomena almost natural and inevitable. It is true that the hard work of three decades has resulted in important lessons about and ways of coping with this virus.
The current situation is the result of political decisions (and omissions) namely serious failures in prevention, dependent on many aspects that go beyond the health sector. Particularly noteworthy are macro-structural, socio-economic and environmental aspects historically ignored in favor of purely biomedical or technological interventions (Heang et al., 2012). There is a risk that the attention given to Zika may contribute to forgetting the seriousness of this social, economic and political problem in the medium and long-term again, by focusing only on its symptoms to the detriment of its causes deep (Oliveira Melo et al., 2016). Disease control has been matched to vector control, which in turn is based primarily on its reduction, elimination, or eradication. After more than a century of discovering vector transmission of yellow fever virus and other infectious agents, the basis of transmitter control technology (remains practically the same: destruction of foci containing eggs and larvae of mosquitoes and, from the 40s (more than 70 years), the incorporation of the use of insecticides (Ioos et al., 2014). This strategy worked to some extent in the last century with vertical campaigns against yellow fever; vector control has had several failures throughout its history.
The Zika virus reveals the persistence of social, political and economic structures that reproduce the disadvantage and vulnerability of populations and groups (Musso et al., 2015). Since the 2000s, neglected diseases such as zika have been recognized as both a result and a perpetrator of poverty. With regard to microcephaly, economic vulnerability plays an important role in the success of strategies family planning with access to contraceptives and the right to abortion to be in conditioning is the economic situation (Musso et al., 2014). The impact of s vulnerabilities still checks up to the ability level of support networks (public, community and family) to support through the services children and families affected by microcephaly.
In conclusion, Zika virus main problems in Uganda for that, the political sphere and social raised by the virus Zika in Uganda. To revealing the tensions, contradictions and inequalities in health policies in this country, the Zika virus illustrates broader issues. Political tensions identified here for the control of neglected diseases, social determinants and economic the s, class and gender fall into dynamics that go beyond the borders of Uganda. In this sense, the process of signing and responses to the virus of Zika and microcephaly are revealing the current limits of global health. In this context is that the global health agenda is still predominantly reactive: it responds to crises and emergencies rather than contributing more proactively to the problems that cause crises to occur. The recognition of this political dimension puts into question the idea of global health based on the assumptions of common experience (the problem) and a deepening of convergence and cooperation desirable solution. It allows us to revisit international cooperation efforts and to identify the presence of interests, agendas, conflicts and forms of power). The purpose of these conferences was not the protection of public health, but rather the harmonization of policies aimed at controlling the movement of people and products.
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