We are going to examine the main reason of education development particular primary school during 19 century, how this compulsory system help the children of Britain to get out child labour to attend schools. This system was created to treat all children equally from different background example: (Poor and rich or Girls and Boys). I will be discussing in the end of this essay how the Government funds have helped most district of Britain to build and maintain new school. My main objective of my work is to account the needs of parents and children in general and expansion and influence the compulsory system might have had on child labour and politician's opinion in nineteenth century.
Scotland has a special significance for West because it had a public system of education at an early stage; comparison with England, and investigation of how successfully Scottish education responded to the challenge of industrialization, therefore provide a controlled test of the hypothesis that educational progress did not depend on legislation. (Anderson, R.D. 1983)
The incubator of industrialization was the transition from feudalism to capitalism, the causes of which have long been open to debate, and concern us only to the point that social and organizational changes such as the creation of wage labor and the production of commodities are more important than technological inventions or widespread literacy as prerequisites for industrial development, especially before 1870 (Aston & Philpin, 1990; Madrick, 2002). . If the technological developments of the first industrial revolution were modest, the social changes wrought by the new system of production were immense, especially for the laboring poor. The poverty and disarray faced by the children of this new proletariat was not lost on contemporary observers, many of whom looked to education for solutions (Simon, 1960). Middle-class reformers sought to establish a network of popular education, and in the first years of industrialization some of them went as far as to argue for universal education of the same variety for all classes of people. Once the state extended voting rights to men with property in the 1830s, class divisions widened on proposed education reform, with workers arguing most forcefully for primary schools and adult education that they could control, and the middle-class reformers concentrating their efforts on extending secondary schools and universities for their own children and on advocating elementary schools that they deemed appropriate for the masses. In the early nineteenth century, for example, reformers looked to
a monitorial system to educate large numbers of poor children cheaply. Proponent Joseph Lancaster and others claimed to have perfected a method by which hundreds of children of all ages and abilities could be taught in a single room via "the division of labor applied to intellectual processes" (Kaestle, 1973: 12).
Within the voluntary system that prevailed until 1870, however, the working class strove to educate itself and enrolments increased in a variety of schools across England (Lacqueur, 1976). The state extended its reach only gradually into primary education, initially with the series of Factory Acts in the fi rst half of the nineteenth century to encourage the schooling of
children who toiled in the mills, then with the 1870 Education Act that created public school boards and authorized them to establish elementary schools where there were none, and finally with compulsory education in 1880 and the abolition of fees in 1891 (Simon, 1965). These developments roughly paralleled extensions of the franchise for men in the 1860s and 1880s (Lindert, 2004).
In the literature on industrialization and schooling in England, delays in educational development often fi gure prominently in explanations of England's relative economic decline vis-à-vis the rest of the industrialized world. In fact, several scientists and industrialists of the nineteenth century, some of whom were products of the better developed
Scottish educational system, lamented the dearth of technical education compared to the rest of Europe. In response to the brisk economic growth of Germany especially, the English state abandoned its laissez-faire approach and began to establish technical schools in earnest by century's end. Along with higher education, the tripartite system of secondary education that
included exclusive "public" schools, endowed grammar schools, and expanding higher grade elementary schools began slowly to link students to technical jobs in manufacturing, but it was the commercial, governmental, and professional sectors that welcomed the bulk of the graduates, some of whom were women (Lowe, 1987
Over the last two decades studies in the history of education have increasingly sought to set developments in schooling within the context of wider social and economic changes. This new concern to seek the causes, and the consequences, of educational change outside the field of schooling per se has brought the practice of history of education increasingly into contact with cognate historical scholarship. Concurrently, and by no means coincidentally, historians and social scientists have become ever more willing to admit the schooling process as an important constituent of social change. Initially this interest was reflected in the application of crude concepts of social control; but more recently these have given way to a subtler approach that sees schools as part of the process of social reproduction, by which children are inducted into value systems consonant with the imperatives of the prevailing socio-economic system. The direct result of such an approach has been a revision of the 'orthodox', narrative account of educational history, which tended to characterize the nineteenth century as one of gradual progress, based on the inexorable and presumably benign growth of state involvement in elementary education.4 On this view, the 1870 Act, which empowered the newly established school boards to build and maintain schools out of the rates, was a necessary and inevitable result of the failure of voluntary agencies to provide sufficient schools for the working class. (Stannard, K.P. (1990)
This interpretation has been criticized for its implicit assumptions. It tends to overemphasize formal, provided schooling; and characterizes the working class as passive and indifferent recipients of schooling. Debates about the significance of compulsion provide a good example of the nature of revisionism in the history of education. Earlier narratives took no view on whether compulsion was desirable, although the context and general temper of such accounts, rooted firmly in the 'Whig' tradition, suggest that enforcement of attendance was a necessary sanction in the long-term struggle to achieve an improvement in the condition of the working class. More recently, compulsion has come to be reinterpreted as the imposition of an essentially alien regime of school attendance on the working class, a regime that disrupted, and possibly fractured, domestic economies and cultures. Compulsion imposed a double cost on the poor: the loss of potential earnings (sometimes indirect if an older child at home could have allowed the mother to go out to work) and the actual burden of school fees. In short, compulsion has to be viewed in the context of the form of schooling to which working-class children were compelled to conform. (Stannard, K.P. (1990)
"Ironically, this radical critique has been underwritten in part by more conservative commentators, such as E. G. West and F. Musgrove, who profess to see compulsion as a reduction of parental choice, involving the enforced attendance at particular types of school and forcing the closure of alternatives to state-controlled education." E. G. West 2nd edition. 1970, p. 59)
If the schooling process is to be explained in terms of its significance in a wider, social context, the analysis must be based on a firm and explicit conception of the nature of the society of which it is a part. Hence, the new approach has tended to give much greater emphasis to theory, the idea that the course of educational change is one of progress, which takes the form of successively more enlightened state legislation, is just that-an idea; and one that demands analysis that needs to be proved and not just assumed. Radical approaches at least make their assumptions clear as starting points, which can then be discussed, analysed, accepted, or jettisoned as a result of empirical research. The starting point for radical interpretations is the assertion that schooling has to be seen in terms of its role within the social system as a whole. On such a view, society is defined in terms of the relationship between classes within a particular economic structure. Within this framework the class nature of schooling becomes explicit. The precise form of schooling (i.e., the elementary, working class school) and its curriculum are the object of study; the relationship between classes becomes the context for explanation. This approach, which views schooling as a part of the social structure and particularly as an aspect of the process of' socialization', has been explored by several scholars. This made it possible to identify only general relationships. While they have underlined the relationship between temporal change in the nature of schooling and wider processes of social and economic change, a less generalized analysis would have to account for variations in both schooling system and social structure over space as well as over time. Indeed, 'local' studies, such as that by D. Rubinstein, tend to provide more convincing analyses of the social role of schooling. The need for sensitivity to spatial variation is being increasingly appreciated by virtue of the second major development in the history of education: that of the growth of quantitative empirical studies. (Stannard, K.P. (1990)
To historians of nineteenth-century Britain, contemporary debates over the boundaries between personal liberty, government authority, and the public good have a familiar ring. In his 1937 retrospective, Thomas Gautrey, a former member of the School Board for London (the "LSB" or "London School Board," as it was commonly called), recalled how widespread opposition to government interference in working-class home life had crippled the board's ability to educate the children of Victorian London. The elected officials of the LSB had been
Responsible for managing the elementary schools of the metropolis since the passing of the Education Act of 1870 (also known as "The Forster Act"), which had established the foundations of England's first public elementary education system. Gautrey's praise of the LSB, however, was strongly colored by nostalgia. In the decades following its inception, parents and school officials clashed ceaselessly over the board's decision to compel parents to send their children to school. From 1887 to 1903, at the behest of LSB officials, London's courts of summary justice issued 275,255 convictions to parents for neglecting to educate their children in accordance with the law. Examining the LSB's adoption of a compulsory school attendance policy provides a number of useful insights into broader trends of social and political development in Victorian England. Along with housing and health reform, the
Implementation of universal, compulsory education was one of the most important and extensive projects of social reform to take place in the second half of the nineteenth century (Auerbach, S. (2007)
The debate over compulsory education long preceded the passing of the 1870Education Act. One of the most lucid and comprehensive arguments put forwarding favour of compulsory education was found in a short book written by Frederick Timbrell, an administrator for St. Stephen's, a prestigious private school in Westminster. "Timbrell discussed the connection between children's labor and education, described the selfishness and ignorance of working-class parents, and argued that any move toward compulsory schooling would be met with strong opposition from both parents and employers. He concluded that only the sternest measures could force children to leave the workplace and bring them into the schoolhouse. (F.Timbrell 1855). This focus reflected the broader humanitarian opposition to children's labor that had been growing since the 1830s and would continue unabated throughout most of the nineteenth century. Timbrell argued that the best way to secure school attendance was to impose an absolute moratorium on children's employment until the age of thirteen and a partial restriction on such employment from the ages of thirteen to fifteen "unless [they were] furnished with a certificate proficiency in the essentials of education." With the imposition of such laws, he asserted, "even in the absence of direct compulsory measures upon the parents, they, unable to employ their children before thirteen, would use their best endeavours and means to qualify them for work at thirteen, if only from mercenary motives [Timbrell's emphases]. The period between 1850 and 1870 witnessed the implementation of indirect educational compulsion of the kind advocated by Timbrell, but only on a very limited scale.
The Factory Act of 1833 was the first law that mandated school attendance for child laborers, though even Robert Peel's original Health and Morals of Apprentices Act of 1802 had included a "pious injunction about education."40 The Act of 1833, besides setting a minimum age for employment (nine years old) and maximum daily hours for the employment of children between the ages of eight and thirteen (nine hours a day, forty-eight hours a week), also set minimum periods of daily education for such child laborers.41 If a child was employed daily, three hours of schooling a day were required; if he was employed on alternate days, five hours of schooling a day on the days in between was necessary. Initially, these regulations applied only to children working in textile mills and factories, and it was not until 1860 that Parliament extended the Act to other industries. The first Mines Act with an educational provision was the Act of 1860, and it was not until 1867 that children working in shops employing fewer than fifty workers were required to attend school at all, and then only for a minimum of ten hours a week. Perhaps the best evidence of national policy makers' preference for indirect rather than direct compulsion could be found in the 1870 Education Act itself, which did not demand compulsory attendance, but left the adoption of such measures to the discretion of the local school boards.
In 1859, when the Home Secretary was speaking, this was an accurate appraisal. Primary education was almost entirely voluntary at that time, but in the late 1860s, when the implementation of universal primary education began moving from a concept to a concrete policy, the extension of the industrial school system was seriously considered as one possible avenue for the realization of this goal.
During 19 century children of Britain faced a period of industrialization which as result the parents to send their children to work instead of going to schools, it was very depressing period for the country as whole. Education for children was not an option for poor families who were living in terrible condition; schools were only designed for rich. The establishment of education act injected the believe and hope of Britain children with a promise of bright future, by providing equal education to all children boys and girls. This development guaranteed Britain as a nation to improve the skills of children who are the future of the country and also maintaining and competitiveness with other top countries in the world. I personally think it is very clear that the development of education produces important foundation on many levels. Individual benefits by increasing knowledge and future earning and high living standard regardless of your background status. Business will gain more profit the country will get out the poverty by being able to improve productivity and society will growth stronger by having a much secured level of civil contribution.
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