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As children's daily activities are more organized outside the domestic sphere, the parent-child bond changes significantly. The child who would otherwise be a junior partner in her or his parents' domestic chores becomes a source of new ideas and resources. Thornton, Fricke, et al. (1994) suggest that exposure to schooling substantially modifies the authority of parents over their children. Once children are exposed to schools, they acquire knowledge and information that are not commonly available within the family. The new knowledge and information may lead parents to view their authority over their children differently than they would if their children had not gone to school. Similarly, as children start to work for pay, their contribution to household economic resources may increase substantially. This increased contribution to household resources may increase parents' willingness to listen to their children and respect their ideas. This increased willingness of parents then encourages children to make more independent decisions about their life in general. Caldwell (1982) argues, "Power in economic decision-making usually means power in demographic decision making" (p. 161). In particular, this power may include more freedom for children to choose their marriage partners.
Children's Changing Attitudes toward Family Formation
The new information children learn outside the domestic sphere may also have important consequences for the way they view family and marriage. Previous studies of education and attitudes in Asia indicate that schooling fosters an independent outlook in children, which may include more positive attitudes toward individuals choosing their spouse (Thornton, Chang, and Sun 1984; Thornton and Lin 1994). This is likely to be particularly true in South Asia, where educational materials themselves often include British-based examples of family life and individual choice (Caldwell 1982; Caldwell et al. 1988). Caldwell (1982) and Thornton (2005) argue that present-day schooling and mass media in many settings outside the West are crucial factors in changing cultures and values toward those in the West. In fact, multiple mechanisms may link media exposure to new, more Western ideas about marriage. First, some scholars suggest that the media usually tends to favor the elite and represents their views of social issues (McQuail 1985). Mass media such as radio, television, and movies in Nepal overwhelmingly represent Western worldviews (Axinn and Barber 2001), including positive views of love marriage. Second, there is also a long-standing argument that the media encourages a breakdown of social control (Janowitz 1981). In Nepal, since the public was allowed to open schools by the Ranas in the 1950s, virtually all schools use Indian- and British-model curricula (Beutel and Axinn 2002) with very limited teaching in religious schools. Thus, increased awareness of Western views that are not compatible with the common values in Nepalese society may encourage the breakdown of historical social control mechanisms. Therefore, more education and exposure to the media are likely to promote Western views in this setting. As a result, we expect that both formal education and media exposure encourage Western ideas such as love marriage and the involvement of individuals in their choice of a spouse in this setting.
Children's experiences with nonfamily living may also promote new ideas about family and marriage (Thornton and Lin 1994; Thornton et al. 1984). Research from other settings demonstrates that early adult experiences in nonfamily living stimulate changes in attitudes away from historically held family-formation values and toward new alternative values (Axinn and Barber 1997; Waite et al. 1986). Key mechanisms producing this effect are social learning, from interactions with new individuals, and cognitive consistency, creating more positive attitudes toward alternatives to family life because of the nonfamily living experience (Axinn and Barber 1997). However, experiences with nonfamily living are likely to be closely tied to residential moves, because nonfamily living implies a move out of the parental household for children and young adults. Further, residential moves may themselves stimulate new family-formation attitudes and values, because the moves are likely to alter the group of individuals with whom the mover interacts (Hagan, MacMillan, and Wheaton 1996). Thus both nonfamily living experiences and residential moves may stimulate new attitudes toward family formation and produce more positive attitudes toward individual participation in spouse choice in this setting.
Statement of the Problem
With the prevalence of domestic violence, there is a continuous need to determine its effects on children as a support for previous studies regarding the issue. However, the problem that this study wants to focus into is the differences of reaction in terms of gender. It is true that there is strong evidence which identifies the detrimental effects (emotional, psychological, physical, behavioral, social, cognitive and academic) of domestic violence on children and young people who live in households characterized by such violence (Stark and Filtcraft, 1988; Garbarino and Vondra, 1987; James, 1994; Osofsky, 1995; Edleson, 1999; Pelkovitz et al, 2000; Kitzman et al, 2003; Levendosky et al, 2003). However, there seems to be a lack of focus in determining the difference of reaction between male children and female children. The problem that this study will try to explore is not merely on the demographic side, but more on the difference of detrimental effects of domestic violence and the reaction of children toward it, in terms of gender. In addition, the study will also try to compare the difference in terms of overall disposition (emotional, psychological, physical, behavioural, social, cognitive and academic) between children who experience domestic violence and those who donï¿½t.
According to Rydell and Henricsson (2004), teachers differ in the disciplinary strategies they employ, and they differ in how successful they are in dealing with unwanted student behavior. This variety of strategies can bring many different outcomes, as students react differently to each. The whole process of the disciplinary strategies may influence the students to some extent which may later enable them to develop attitudes triggered by that process. For instance, an authoritarian teacher may influence some students to develop bully-like characteristics because of their exposure on the teacherï¿½s aggressiveness. Those who are being humiliated by the teacherï¿½s ways of discipline might be subjected as bully victims by would be victim. Another possibility is that a teacherï¿½s disciplinary strategy might work to prevent students from becoming bullies. Of course, there are still many possibilities of adolescent development within different disciplinary strategy of teachers, and those are what this research will try to reveal. In doing so, the researcher will try to answer the following queries:
1. What are the types of disciplinary strategies teachers perform that may have an effect on the bully/victim development of students?
2. What actions do teachers perform when they spot a student bullying another student?
3. Do teachers directly discipline students to prevent bullying or do strategies target other issues but has indirect effect on bullying?
4. What are the perceptions of teachers toward bullying?
5. How do students react to the disciplinary strategies of teachers?
Example 1: What was the studentsï¿½ actual experience with violence? (from Mahiri and Connerï¿½s (2003) research entitled ï¿½Black Youth Violence Has a Bad Rapï¿½).
Example 2: How did students and their peers negotiate violent or potentially violent situations? (From Mahiri and Connerï¿½s 2003 research entitled ï¿½Black Youth Violence Has a Bad Rapï¿½).