Victorian Moral Crusades

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Many people in the 1910s and 1920s were alarmed by the new woman phenomenon. In popular magazines throughout the period, writers called for a return to old-fashioned morals and codes of behavior that had been discarded by much of the younger generation. Men and women alike were critics of the new woman, and social agencies joined parents in attempting to return to Victorian standards of conduct, in which women were supposed to be sexually passionless. Middle-class women took leadership roles through voluntary organizations and social work, in some ways transgressing conventional gender roles but in other ways reinforcing them. During the First World War, the Young Women's Christian Association aided young urban women by providing boarding, libraries, gymnasiums, homemaking courses, and religious instruction to help minimize the temptations of modern city life. Both Catholics and Protestants disapproved of the new woman and the societal changes she represented. The second Ku Klux Klan (KKK) sought to reverse the changes in gender and sexual norms. The women's KKK worked to elevate white Protestant women while blaming the demise of America's moral standards on Catholics, Jews, and people of color. Also patronizing-but less extreme-were measures state institutions took. Progressive reformers created special police officers, a juvenile court system, detention facilities, and reformatories to contain female sexuality. Parents generally welcomed such efforts, as they were at a loss for how to control their daughters.

The concept of the "new woman" possessed a sexual connotation, reflecting changing ideas about female sexuality. Led by young working-class women and encompassing women of all social and economic classes, a sexual revolution of sorts was taking place in the United States by the 1920s. Different from the Victorian era, a middle ground between prostitution and celibacy emerged for unmarried heterosexual women in the early twentieth century. Their parents most likely did not approve of the change, and police forces, juvenile courts, and Progressive reformers sought to curb young women's participation in new social opportunities beyond the purview of adult supervision. Some policewomen and Protestant reformers who monitored young women's public activity and instigated alternative forms of recreation were themselves, ironically, "new women" who had stepped outside of traditional gender roles. Conflict among women who had competing visions of women's roles in modern society was thus significant to the transformation of gender roles. A model of dispute between two generations captures one of the dynamics of the 1910s and 1920s, but it does not fully explain the complex ways that change occurred. Within each generation were great differences among women--and for every young woman who rebelled against her mother's ways there was probably another who chose restraint. Exploring new women's sexual attitudes further shows how the "old" and "new" were not easily separable categories.

Marriage is one aspect of sexual life in which there was continuity between generations. Young and unmarried women on the whole by the 1910s and 1920s preferred to participate in a consumer-oriented, heterosocial (or mixed-sex) culture situated in the public sphere and saturated with heterosexuality, but they tended to settle into family life upon marriage, much as earlier generations had. Unlike their predecessors, however, these women could flirt and date in the world of cheap amusements, which catered to sensual pleasures and small pocketbooks. Meanwhile, the female solidarity of nineteenth- and twentieth-century women's reform movements, clubs, and colleges--the late Victorian new woman's realm of activity-declined in popularity.

Women adrift and "working girls" were among the pioneers of women's growing public visibility and changing gender norms. The category "working girls" applied mainly to young women, usually single, engaged in wage labor. Through the 1930s, more women worked as domestic servants than at any other job, showing how tradition was not immediately overturned and that many women continued to engage in conventional "women's work": housework. Domestic and sex work (another, better paying form of work traditionally done by women) left women vulnerable to employees and customers, as did semiskilled and unskilled industrial work in factories and sweatshops. Although the labor movement thrived in the early twentieth century, by 1920 a small fraction of women in the workforce had union jobs, and rarely did the movement take up issues of concern to working women or allow them leadership roles. Such outspoken labor leaders as Emma Goldman and Elizabeth Gurley Flynn were exceptions among women, challenging assumptions about gender with their passionate politics and fiery speeches. Wage labor profoundly shaped women's identities during a period of industrialization, urbanization, and commercialization, and although women entered new arenas, they faced obstacles of many sorts.

Lacking power in the workplace, working-class women were nonetheless empowered by earning an income. Wages gave daughters more independence at home, enabling some to live apart from their parents. The urban industrial work system, along with growing secondary school attendance, contributed to the formation of a youth and peer culture that loosened young women's allegiances to their families. Created by capitalist entrepreneurs, commercialized forms of recreation--dance halls, nickelodeons, and amusement parks--attracted working girls after long hours of drudgery and fostered their awareness of social customs and conventions different from those of their parents' generation.

held back by psychiatric medicine and also by a patriarchal imperialism. I'd want to consider how writers (especially, if not entirely pro-woman, feminist writers) portrayed a 'new woman' character in relation to contextual factors such as these.

The project will entail the following outline

 

Cover page

This gives the topic of discussion .The New Woman

 

Abstract

Will entail a brief discussion of the general contents to be discussed in the project.

This project brings into focus 6he new woman emerging from bounds to prosperity. an introductory part about who the new woman is and how she was portrayed by early scholars paves way for the discussion of the following aspects. Chapter one deals with the impacts of technology to the new woman's life. Chapter two has the Victorian moral crusade which emphasizes on sexuality. The third chapter talks of the psychiatrist medicine and lastly the forth chapter which involves imperialism. Conclusion about he projects are then made with appendixes and references following respectively

 

The Emergence of the New Feminism

Through spirit of rebellion, feminism emerged at the beginning of the century as part of the broader "revolt against formalism" in American culture not to adhere with the undermining of the women generation that seemed to have an entirew control even thoug paralyesed by previous docades.self actualization and realization wasthe key determination to embrace change positievely through capacity duilding and experience.

male dominance which seemed a manace that time was to be soughted outbthrouh feminism by creating a community of women in struggle against a social system in whiere men were seen as the family heads and dominated the society with aheredity kind of passage in generations Feminists' movement broadened the margins of the movement, reacting against the layed emphasis in the woman movement on the increased awarness to self sufficiency

The duties for women were stressed out by the Woman movement whreas feminists demands embraced for woman's rights demanding the scrapping of social, political and economic discrepancies based on sex and sought privileges and obligations on the basis of I ones capacity on performance alone.

 

The Heterodoxy Club

a group of 25 women in 1912 joined forces and formed the Heterodoxy Club of Greenwich Village with meetings held on saturdays members had a broad outlook and were individualistic despite their principles of women's social development concerned with social commotion that was in their environment with goals of attaining individual extrasensory freedom. Standing for self actualistion,feminism embraced self-development as contrasted with self-sacrifice or hidden in family. The Heterodoxy had highly educated women,having either informal education in labor or socialist movements or formal education in colleges and graduate school They emphasize individuality in livelihood, personal relationships, habits of dress and living.

Key Tenets of the New Feminism: Economic and Sexual Freedom

New feminists deemed an independent livelihood a necessity. The new feminism had ideologically grown out of the left of the political scenario. These new feminists romanticize working-class woman who they saw as economically independent and self-reliant. Their critique of the American gender system was embedded in their critique of its social and economic system. Feminism appealed to them because they saw an analogy between feminism's and socialism's analyses of group oppression--meaning they saw the patterns of class oppression as parallel to gender oppression--and they saw in the proposals of one to transform society the potential to transform both.

The freedom to choose work regardless of one's sex and marital status was a central belief of New Feminists. The major themes of her work were the economic subordination of women, a belief in human changeability and the inevitability of progress (she was devoted to evolutionary theory); a belief in human reason and rationality; opposition to behavior or ideas based on unexamined authority or blind obedience; and the need to replace male power with what she called the female principle of nurturance and cooperation. Gilman urged women to leave what she saw as their ancient and unspecialized occupation as homemakers and to follow the modern path stretched out by industry and the professions. In order for women to exercise their full human capacities in useful work of all sorts, Gilman proposed the socialization of home employments such as cooking and laundry. She argued that housecleaning and childcare were better performed by specialized, paid employees than by untrained housewives and mothers not necessarily suited for and certainly not paid to do these tasks.

The new feminists were also commited to heterosexual attraction and intimacy--they thought sexual freedom went hand in hand with economic freedom. Believing that women had sexual passions equal to men's. In this, twentieth-century feminism parted company with the nineteenth-century, Victorian idea of women's moral superiority to men as being rooted in their passionlessness (for more on this, see the. New feminists celebrated female sexuality and asserted women's "sex rights." Sex outside marriage was a kind of behavioral outlawry that appealed to new feminists' desires to overturnthe pastFeminists did not make very clear what they meant by women's sex rights beyond basic acknowledgement of women's erotic drives. They did not articulate clearly how female eroticism was related to marriage, or monogamy, or homosexual as well as heterosexual relationships., based on a new egalitarian companionability and mutual desire on the part of men and women. They cared little whether these relations were blessed by state and church or not.

It is interesting that most feminists found the theory of nonmarital sex easier to swallow than the continued practice of it. Feminists did marry, divorce, and remarry, often keeping their maiden names and trying to establish egalitarian relationships. Heterodoxy Club member Mary Heaton Vorse put her compromise this way: "I am trying for nothing so hard in my own personal life as how not to be respectable when married."

This was difficult. Early twentieth-century feminists assigned considerable value to sexual freedom and assumed that free women could meet men as equals on the terrain of sexual desire just like that of political representation or professional experitise. It was not easy for them to acknowledge the potential for a woman to submerge her individuality and personality in her heterosexual love relationships. They saw the potential for domination in loving men. Nor could they publicly discuss the potential in these relationships for men's sexual exploitation of women who broke the bounds of conventional sexual restraint. In private, however, they acknowledged these problems. Doris Stevens, California suffragist imprisoned and force-fed for her heroic actions on behalf of suffrage, wrote, "I am sure the emancipated man is a myth sprung from our hope and eternal aspiration."

These women often turned to other women for consolation and love. They valued their deep emotional relationships with women. Victorian society had been marked by powerful bonds of homosocial love. Women's relations with other women had been deemed the purest form of love and the most beautiful expression of female character. Members of the Heterodoxy Club, for example, included heterosexual, bisexual, and lesbian women who coexisted harmoniously respecting one another's sexual and love choices. For many lesbian feminists of the era, loving other women became a way to escape what they saw as the probabilities of male domination inherent in a heterosexual relationship.

Difficulties of reconciling sexual expression with the new feminist agenda come out in the work of the Swedish writer Ellen Key, one of many European theorists to whom American rebels looked for justifications for changing sexual morality. Key romanticized female eroticism and linked erotic life to bodily health and spiritual harmony. She claimed that women's true fulfillment was sex-specific: it was bound to nurturance and to maternity. But Key broke the Victorian separation of motherhood from female eroticism and linked motherliness to heterosexual desire. She argued that women should be free to form love relationships whenever so moved and should be able to end marriages which did not bring them sexual satisfaction.

Key's ideas were problematic for feminists because she envisioned a sex-specific destiny for women. While her views were anti-patriarchal, she glorified the redeeming value of motherhood and believed that women who achieved satisfaction in heterosexual love should fulfill selves as mothers. Key was a powerful influence on Margaret Sanger, the founder of the American birth control movement. The politics of birth control appealed to feminists and was one important form taken by their ideas on sexuality. Stirred up by anarchist Emma Goldman, Sanger challenged conventional respectability by speaking openly of sex and linking sex oppression to class oppression. Goldman argued that women must be free to exercise their sexuality and to do so they must control their reproductive capacity without interference from men or the state. The birth control movement serves as the link between the two chief ideas of the new feminism--economic and sexual independence. Neither women's economic independence nor their heterosexual freedom would be possible without birth control.

 

The Paradox of the New Feminism

in 1910s feminism, followed two relationships but hostile kinds of freedom. New feminists sought the emancipation of woman as a human being and as "sex-being," creature of her special nature. Feminists wanted to have it both ways--to like men and in some respects to be like men, while loyal politically and ideologically to their own sex; and to expand the concept of womanhood while proclaiming the variability of individuals within a sex. Feminism was full of double aims: it joined the concept of women's equality with men to the concept of sexual difference; it joined the aim of individual release of personality with that of concerted social action; it joined the endorsement of what was human to the development of political solidarity among women

Definition of Terms

Chapter Summary

Chapter one

Impact of technology on the liberalization of women

Chapter two

 

Victorian moral crusade

at the turn of the century middle-class new women had to avoid marriage for careers social and political activities as young immigrant women continued with the traditional heterosexual interaction. During the day women provided unskilled labor for factories, department stores, and offices, laboring, sharing meals, and traveling alongside men, with whom they chatted and flirted. at night many aban-

 

Victorian moral crusades, and

Many people in the 1910s and 1920s were alarmed by the new woman phenomenon. In popular magazines throughout the period, writers called for a return to old-fashioned morals and codes of behavior that had been discarded by much of the younger generation. Men and women alike were criticized the new woman and social agencies joined parents in attempting to return to Victorian standards of conduct, in which women were supposed to be sexually passionless. leadership roles by middle-class women was through voluntary organizations and social work, in some ways overstepped the layed down roles but in other ways instilling them.the First World War, the Young Women's Christian Association aided young urban women during the first world war by providing boarding, libraries, gymnasiums, homemaking courses, and religious instruction to help minimize the temptations of modern city life. catholics and Protestants werw not in agreement with neew womans representation of changesented. The second Ku Klux Klan (KKK) sought to reverse the changes in gender and sexual norms. The women's KKK worked to elevate white Protestant women while blaming the demise of America's moral standards on Catholics, Jews, and people of color. Also patronizing-but less extreme-were measures state institutions took. Progressive reformers created special police officers, a juvenile court system, detention facilities, and reformatories to contain female sexuality. Parents generally welcomed such efforts, as they were at a loss for how to control their daughters.

The concept of the "new woman" possessed a sexual connotation, reflecting changing ideas about female sexuality. Led by young working-class women and encompassing women of all social and economic classes, Different from the Victorian era, a middle ground between prostitution and celibacy emerged for unmarried heterosexual women in the early twentieth century. Their parents most likely did not approve of the change, and police forces, juvenile courts, and Progressive reformers sought to curb young women's participation in new social opportunities beyond the purview of adult supervision. Some policewomen and Protestant reformers who monitored young women's public activity and instigated alternative forms of recreation were themselves, ironically, "new women" who had stepped outside of traditional gender roles. Conflict among women who had competing visions of women's roles in modern society was thus significant to the transformation of gender roles. A model of dispute between two generations captures one of the dynamics of the 1910s and 1920s, but it does not fully explain the complex ways that change occurred. Within each generation were great differences among women--and for every young woman who rebelled against her mother's ways there was probably another who chose restraint. Exploring new women's sexual attitudes further shows how the "old" and "new" were not easily separable categories.

Marriage is one aspect of sexual life in which there was continuity between generations. Young and unmarried women on the whole by the 1910s and 1920s preferred to participate in a consumer-oriented, heterosocial (or mixed-sex) culture situated in the public sphere and saturated with heterosexuality, but they tended to settle into family life upon marriage, much as earlier generations had. Unlike their predecessors, however, these women could flirt and date in the world of cheap amusements, which catered to sensual pleasures and small pocketbooks. Meanwhile, the female solidarity of nineteenth- and twentieth-century women's reform movements, clubs, and colleges--the late Victorian new woman's realm of activity-declined in popularity.

Women adrift and "working girls" were among the pioneers of women's growing public visibility and changing gender norms. The category "working girls" applied mainly to young women, usually single, engaged in wage labor. Through the 1930s, more women worked as domestic servants than at any other job, showing how tradition was not immediately overturned and that many women continued to engage in conventional "women's work": housework. Domestic and sex work (another, better paying form of work traditionally done by women) left women vulnerable to employees and customers, as did semiskilled and unskilled industrial work in factories and sweatshops. Although the labor movement thrived in the

 

Chapter three

This will entail psychiatrist medicine

 

Chapter four

Topic under this will be patriac imperialism

Imperialism is characterized by monopoly in this case the male dominated society was the one only considered in discussions makingLack of power in the workplace, working-class women were nonetheless empowered by earning an income. Wages gave daughters more independence at home, enabling some to live apart from their parents. The urban industrial work system, along with growing secondary school attendance, contributed to the formation of a youth and peer culture that loosened young women's allegiances to their families. Created by capitalist entrepreneurs, commercialized forms of recreation--dance halls, nickelodeons, and amusement parks--attracted working girls after long hours of drudgery and fostered their awareness of social customs and conventions different from those of their parents' generation.

Conclusion; this will generally outline the perception of the writer on the new woman and focus vividly on the major aspect embraced by the new woman

Appendixes. Tables entailed in the project

 

References:

Will be inclusive of the materials used to obtained the data in this project

At the end of the nineteenth century, the lives of women were dramatically gaining different grounds especially for daughter's middle and upper classes. Education of females was in the increase where the secondary school aspect was on the rises . between 1890 to 1920, those who comprised all high school students55% and 60% all high school graduates. By 1900, all but three state universities admitted women on same terms as men (Virginia, Georgia and Louisiana). Though a tiny portion of Americans had college educations, 18-21 year old undergraduates were on the increase, from 4% in 1900 to 8% in 1920. Women made up a growing portion of those undergraduates, as see at University of Chicago: 40% in 1910 and almost 50% in 1920. college education was a class privilege and aspiration impacting achievements that no woman thought of emerging. With higher education a woman depicted a great sport in society achieving all the household nd surrounding matters. the labor force for encountered both White, native-born women joining white foreign-born and black women in a bid to put a threat to the male dominated business The percentage of female professionals reached an historic peak in the early twentieth century while new and highly visible white collar occupations provided work for secretaries and salesgirls. From 1870- 1920,the percentage of women in the non-agricultural workshop doubled from 6.4% to 13.3% a one million women representation.

Although fewer than 1% of all women in non-agricultural occupations were employed as clerical workers in 1870, by 1920 were more than 25%--two million in all. These "new women" represented to selves and to society a kind of vanguard of social usefulness and personal autonomy--independent womanhood. Women determined to extend boundaries and raise stakes woman movement.

Here, among the new women were the new feminists, described by Randolph Bourne, progressive intellectual at Columbia University:

"They are all social workers, or magazine writers in a small way. They are decidedly emancipated and advanced, and so thoroughly healthy and zestful, or at least it seems so to my unsophisticated masculine sense. They shock you constantly...They have an amazing combination of wisdom and youthfulness, of humor and ability, and innocence and self-reliance, which absolutely belies everything you will read in the story-books or any other description of womankind. They are of course all self-supporting and independent, and they enjoy the adventure of life; the full, reliant, audacious way in which they go about makes you wonder if the new woman isn't to be a very splendid sort of person."

The Emergence of the New Feminism

Through spirit of rebellion, feminism emerged at the beginning of the century as part of the broader "revolt against formalism" in American culture not to adhere with the undermining of the women generation that seemed to have an entirew control even thoug paralyesed by previous docades.self actualization and realization wasthe key determination to embrace change positievely through capacity duilding and experience.

male dominance which seemed a manace that time was to be soughted outbthrouh feminism by creating a community of women in struggle against a social system in whiere men were seen as the family heads and dominated the society with aheredity kind of passage in generations Feminists' movement broadened the margins of the movement, reacting against the layed emphasis in the woman movement on the increased awarness to self sufficiency

The duties for women were stressed out by the Woman movement whreas feminists demands embraced for woman's rights demanding the scrapping of social, political and economic discrepancies based on sex and sought privileges and obligations on the basis of I ones capacity on performance alone.

The Heterodoxy Club

a group of 25 women in 1912 joined forces and formed the Heterodoxy Club of Greenwich Village with meetings held on saturdays members had a broad outlook and were individualistic despite their principles of women's social development concerned with social commotion that was in their environment with goals of attaining individual extrasensory freedom. Standing for self actualistion,feminism embraced self-development as contrasted with self-sacrifice or hidden in family. The Heterodoxy had highly educated women,having either informal education in labor or socialist movements or formal education in colleges and graduate school They emphasize individuality in livelihood, personal relationships, habits of dress and living.

Key Tenets of the New Feminism: Economic and Sexual Freedom

New feminists deemed an independent livelihood a necessity. The new feminism had ideologically grown out of the left of the political scenario. These new feminists romanticize working-class woman who they saw as economically independent and self-reliant. Their critique of the American gender system was embedded in their critique of its social and economic system. Feminism appealed to them because they saw an analogy between feminism's and socialism's analyses of group oppression--meaning they saw the patterns of class oppression as parallel to gender oppression--and they saw in the proposals of one to transform society the potential to transform both.

The freedom to choose work regardless of one's sex and marital status was a central belief of New Feminists. The major themes of her work were the economic subordination of women, a belief in human changeability and the inevitability of progress (she was devoted to evolutionary theory); a belief in human reason and rationality; opposition to behavior or ideas based on unexamined authority or blind obedience; and the need to replace male power with what she called the female principle of nurturance and cooperation. Gilman urged women to leave what she saw as their ancient and unspecialized occupation as homemakers and to follow the modern path stretched out by industry and the professions. In order for women to exercise their full human capacities in useful work of all sorts, Gilman proposed the socialization of home employments such as cooking and laundry. She argued that housecleaning and childcare were better performed by specialized, paid employees than by untrained housewives and mothers not necessarily suited for and certainly not paid to do these tasks.

The new feminists were also commited to heterosexual attraction and intimacy--they thought sexual freedom went hand in hand with economic freedom. Believing that women had sexual passions equal to men's. In this, twentieth-century feminism parted company with the nineteenth-century, Victorian idea of women's moral superiority to men as being rooted in their passionlessness (for more on this, see the True Womanhood page). New feminists celebrated female sexuality and asserted women's "sex rights." Sex outside marriage was a kind of behavioral outlawry that appealed to new feminists' desires to overturnthe pastFeminists did not make very clear what they meant by women's sex rights beyond basic acknowledgement of women's erotic drives. They did not articulate clearly how female eroticism was related to marriage, or monogamy, or homosexual as well as heterosexual relationships., based on a new egalitarian companionability and mutual desire on the part of men and women. They cared little whether these relations were blessed by state and church or not.

It is interesting that most feminists found the theory of nonmarital sex easier to swallow than the continued practice of it. Feminists did marry, divorce, and remarry, often keeping their maiden names and trying to establish egalitarian relationships. Heterodoxy Club member Mary Heaton Vorse put her compromise this way: "I am trying for nothing so hard in my own personal life as how not to be respectable when married."

This was difficult. Early twentieth-century feminists assigned considerable value to sexual freedom and assumed that free women could meet men as equals on the terrain of sexual desire just like that of political representation or professional experitise. It was not easy for them to acknowledge the potential for a woman to submerge her individuality and personality in her heterosexual love relationships. They saw the potential for domination in loving men. Nor could they publicly discuss the potential in these relationships for men's sexual exploitation of women who broke the bounds of conventional sexual restraint. In private, however, they acknowledged these problems. Doris Stevens, California suffragist imprisoned and force-fed for her heroic actions on behalf of suffrage, wrote, "I am sure the emancipated man is a myth sprung from our hope and eternal aspiration."

These women often turned to other women for consolation and love. They valued their deep emotional relationships with women. Victorian society had been marked by powerful bonds of homosocial love. Women's relations with other women had been deemed the purest form of love and the most beautiful expression of female character. Members of the Heterodoxy Club, for example, included heterosexual, bisexual, and lesbian women who coexisted harmoniously respecting one another's sexual and love choices. For many lesbian feminists of the era, loving other women became a way to escape what they saw as the probabilities of male domination inherent in a heterosexual relationship.

Difficulties of reconciling sexual expression with the new feminist agenda come out in the work of the Swedish writer Ellen Key, one of many European theorists to whom American rebels looked for justifications for changing sexual morality. Key romanticized female eroticism and linked erotic life to bodily health and spiritual harmony. She claimed that women's true fulfillment was sex-specific: it was bound to nurturance and to maternity. But Key broke the Victorian separation of motherhood from female eroticism and linked motherliness to heterosexual desire. She argued that women should be free to form love relationships whenever so moved and should be able to end marriages which did not bring them sexual satisfaction.

Key's ideas were problematic for feminists because she envisioned a sex-specific destiny for women. While her views were anti-patriarchal, she glorified the redeeming value of motherhood and believed that women who achieved satisfaction in heterosexual love should fulfill selves as mothers. Key was a powerful influence on Margaret Sanger, the founder of the American birth control movement. The politics of birth control appealed to feminists and was one important form taken by their ideas on sexuality. Stirred up by anarchist Emma Goldman, Sanger challenged conventional respectability by speaking openly of sex and linking sex oppression to class oppression. Goldman argued that women must be free to exercise their sexuality and to do so they must control their reproductive capacity without interference from men or the state. The birth control movement serves as the link between the two chief ideas of the new feminism--economic and sexual independence. Neither women's economic independence nor their heterosexual freedom would be possible without birth control.

 

The Paradox of the New Feminism

in 1910s feminism, followed two relationships but hostile kinds of freedom. New feminists sought the emancipation of woman as a human being and as "sex-being," creature of her special nature. Feminists sought to have a like for men and in some respects to be like men, while loyal politically and ideologically to their own sex; and to expand the concept of womanhood while proclaiming the variability of individuals within a sex. Feminism motrly had double aims: it joined the concept of women's equality with men to the concept of sexual difference; it joined the aim of individual release of personality with that of concerted social action; it joined the endorsement of what was human to the development of political solidarity among women

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