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What is the future of British Sign Language? With the growing number of changes in the language, dialect and idiolect, is it headed toward a single standardised version? Or will it end up as a collection of sub-languages collectively known as 'British Sign Language'?
In Margaret Deuchar's landmark book on British Sign Language, Michael Stubbs wrote in 1984 that 'BSL provides a striking example of a topic about which clear and straightforward information is badly needed by educators and policy-makers, since there is widespread ignorance and confusion about what deaf signing is' (1984, ix). This remains true today, over two decades later.
Recognition of BSL
British Sign Language was formally recognized as a language in the UK on March 18, 1993. However, it does not have any legal protection. This basically means that deaf people do not share the same rights as hearing people when it comes to access to information regarding education, health and employment.
As a language, BSL has much in common with other languages. Still, there is much about BSL that is unique, since it also has many innate differences from spoken languages. BSL is the primary language of the deaf community in Britain, a community that lives and thrives in a larger society of hearing people, many of whom remain largely unaware of many of the issues in deaf culture
BSL variation
According to Ronald Wardhaugh, 'a recognition of variation implies that we must recognize that a language is not just some kind of abstract object of study' (Wardhaugh 1998, 5). BSL is no different from any other language in this aspect. There will always be a wide degree of variation in the speech of one individual when compared with the speech of another individual. In addition, there will be variations within that variation. As Wardhaugh points out, no individual can act freely and 'do just exactly what he or she pleases so far as language is concerned' (Wardhaugh1998, 6). Otherwise, the result will be mass confusion, perhaps even gibberish. This is as true of BSL and its many variations as it is of spoken languages.
Citing Chomsky, Wardhaugh also points out that 'language is essentially a set of items' (Wardhaugh1998, 10). Whether these items are spoken or signed will necessarily affect the methodology of research, but will not change the basic fact that language is the key to how societies are structured and how people manage to live together.
There are a number of factors to explain why British Sign Language is so rapidly changing and growing. According to Deuchar, 'just as we find variation in English, we also find it in BSL, at the same kinds of levels of the language, and linked to the same kind of social factors' (Deuchar 1984, 130). This was reiterated again more recently by Rachel Sutton-Spence and Bencie Woll. They asserted in 2000 that 'just as there are variations according to region, social group membership and the social situation, so there are regional, social and situational differences in BSL' (Sutton-Spence and Woll 2000, 23).
There are a number of societal structures responsible for the variations in BSL. Some of these are directly related to education of the deaf. According to Deuchar, the deaf in Britain are unlike the deaf in some other cultural minorities because they have not lived in isolation. On the contrary, they have lived in many different parts of the country. Therefore, the places where they would come together as a meeting point would be institutions for deaf individuals. These would be for the most part educational institutions, particularly those that are specifically structured for members of the deaf community.
Other explanations for variations in BSL center around language users' characteristics. According to Deuchar, these include such qualities as
range of competence
age of speaker
response to setting (formal/informal)
level of social skills.
Range of competence may vary from user to user, depending on individual ability as well as level of depth of exposure to BSL. Response to setting may also be a highly individual characteristic; different individuals, including members of the hearing population as well as those in the deaf community, respond with varying levels of comfort to different settings. While some individuals move comfortably between formal and informal settings, others will feel more uncomfortable in less familiar surroundings (Deuchar 1984; Sutton-Spence & Woll 2000).
Another factor that accounts for much of the variation in BSL is geographical distance. This can be the cause of both differences and similarities in vocabulary. One telling example of this is an experiment Deuchar did regarding variation in number systems. The investigation was conducted in 1981 among deaf adults in Lancaster. She found that 'a certain variant of the number SIX (right index on left fist) was only used by people over the age of forty who had attended a school for the deaf in NW England'. In this case she concluded that 'both the social factors of age and schools seem to be significant' (Deuchar 1984, 131).
Additional examples of user's characteristics that are responsible for variation are offered by Brennan et al. Some pairs of BSL signs have identical manual components, and the only way to tell them apart is through 'non-manual' activity such as the facial gestures that accompany the manual components. For example, the signs 'ENOUGH' and 'FED UP' are distinguished only by facial gesture. Another example is that of the signs 'SMART' and 'CAN'T BE BOTHERED', which 'make use of exactly the same action of the hands, but in the latter case a distinctive mouth pattern is used' (Brennan et al., 1984, 2).
Sociolinguistics in the BSL/language continuum
The sociolinguistics of a language is the study of linguistic and sociological values. It can also be described as the study of how that language functions within society and how it is affected. The sociolinguistics of Sign Languages is not unlike the sociolinguistics of any other languages. The same issues that affect other languages affect Sign Languages, although the issues may be expressed differently.
The fact that BSL is now officially accepted as a language is an important part of the history of BSL. It is partially responsible for changing the way BSL is perceived by the larger community. Other sociological and historical changes have occurred over time. Many of these are due to education. As Sutton-Spence and Woll point out: 'BSL changed when schools started using it nearly 200 years ago, and again when it was banned in schools'. Another factor that has affected the socio-historical change in BSL is technology, particularly television (Sutton-Spence & Woll 2000, 35).
Status in BSL: Political Correctness
As noted earlier, British Sign Language (and Sign Language in general) is like any other language in many aspects. This includes political correctness. 'Political correctness has caught up with sign language for deaf people. Gestures used to depict ethnic and religious minorities and homosexuals are being dropped because they are now deemed offensive' (Mickelburgh 2004). This is true of American Sign Language as well: 'Traditional sign language words and letters for the use of the deaf in America are being changed to be made more "culturally appropriate"' (Davis 2000).
However, it is true that many signs are still in use that may be considered as racist. One explanation for this is that deaf communities often feel that hearing professionals try to impose their own values on deaf culture, which is considered offensive and intrusive by many members of the deaf community. 'This is not concerned with the dangers of offending someone by mistake, but with signs that are considered unacceptable because of deaf politics and deaf pride' (Sutton-Spence & Woll 2000, 249).
Socially unacceptable language in BSL is similar to socially unacceptable language in general, and includes taboo signs linked to taboo topics, insults, and expletives.
Other Variations in BSL
Other variations in BSL may be due to ethnicity, religion, sexual preference, and social networks.
Ethnic Variations
In some areas (for example, this is particularly true in the U.S.), there are clear divisions between some 'black' ASL dialects and some 'white' ASL dialects [largely due to segregation]. In Britain, however, 'the variation in BSL between black and white signers appears to be less marked' (Sutton-Spence & Woll 2000, 27). Some explanations for this include the fact there were relatively few black people in Britain until the 1950s. In addition, black deaf children attended 'mixed' deaf schools, and were therefore less inclined to be divided by racial categories.
There is, however, a growing sense of identity among black deaf adults in Britain. This has lead many researchers to conclude that eventually there will be a definite variation along based on racial divisions, resulting in a distinctive 'black' dialect of BSL as time goes on (Sutton-Spence & Woll 2000, 28).
In contrast, the British Asian deaf community relatively small. However, genetic deafness seems to be more common to British Asians, so as this segment of the deaf community grows, its members may develop a dialect of their own as well.
Religious Variations
Religion also has an effect on BSL, particularly the Roman Catholic and Protestant religions. 'The signing of deaf British Catholics is strongly influenced by Irish Sign Language because Irish monks and nuns have provided education for Catholic deaf children....and Irish-trained priests serve the Catholic deaf communities in Britain' (Sutton-Spence & Woll 2000, 28). In addition, signers tend to have two variants of BSL, and will use them differently depending on whether they are communicating with people within their own religion, or with those outside of it.
Gender/Sexual Variations
It has also been noted that in some variations of Sign Languages, the differences between genders are markedly different. This has been attributed to the fact that often males and females are educated in separate institutions, and when they leave these institutions must learn how to communicate with each other. However, this is not the case with British Sign Language, where the differences in language between male and female members of the deaf community are reported to be unimportant (Sutton-Spence 2000, 26).
Situational Variations
Situational changes have an effect on BSL as they do on all other languages.
Changes occur depending on the number of people the speaker is addressing; for example, when addressing a single individual as opposed to addressing an entire group. Changes also occur when the signer is addressing someone who does not have a strong grasp of BSL, either a member of the deaf community who is foreign, or an English-speaker who is not a member of the deaf community. Other situational changes also affect BSL, as when the signer is addressing strangers, or addressing small children (Sutton-Spence & Woll 2000, 31).
Language Planning: Status Planning and Corpus Planning
According to Peter Trudgill, government involvement in language is often referred to as 'language planning'. Sometimes this is a commendable and welcome activity, but not necessarily. Trudgill further distinguishes between status planning and corpus planning. Status planning occurs in countries which have to first choose a national language or languages and subsequently are faced with the issue of developing and/or standardising the language or languages (Trudgill 2000, 131-132).
Often, however, the role of a national government goes beyond selecting a national language. For example, the language, having already been chosen, must be developed and standardised; a suitable orthography must be chosen, or decisions have to be made over selection of one dialect over another. This may get as specific as the government being required to assist in vocabulary, grammatical, and phonological development. This type of language planning is much more specific and involves much more active involvement on the part of the government, and is referred to as 'corpus planning' (Trudgill 2000, 135). It has been noted, however, that the distinction between 'corpus planning' and 'status planning' was first distinguised by H. Kloss in 1969 (Covarrubias 1983, 42).
Corpus planning in terms of BSL standardisation is a complex issue. Some researches assert that this will increase cultural understanding and go some way towards alleviating racial prejudice and tension (Sutton-Spence & Woll 2000). Social inclusion was also emphasised with respect to users of British Sign Language. Most agree that promotion of BSL will add to the quality of life for many people.
It does remain important that enactment of policies by the government recognize the ongoing significance of British Sign Language within the signing community. The fact that the deaf have spent many years and much effort fighting their identification as
disabled is of primary importance. It is essential that the government continue to treat BSL like any other minority language within the EU. Democratic institutions should see that mechanisms are put into place that recognize the merit of different voices and perspectives. This is the only way members of the deaf community will be able to effectively organize and increase their empowerment within society at large.
Other Issues in Standardisation
According to Sutton-Spence and Woll, it is very clear that there is not a single, standard form of BSL (2000, 37). 'The BSL/English Dictionary has only recently been published and contains a limited number of signs', they write. 'Standard English is used o television and radio and by government organisations. BSL on television is not standard and deaf television presenters use different regional signs' (Sutton-Spence and Woll 2000, 38). Although it is believed that a form of 'standard BSL' may eventually emerge, they assert that because the social context of BSL varies so widely from that of English, that it is impossible to predict what form it will eventually take.
Furthermore, there is the issue that the signs of BSL can be divided into those of the established lexicon, or those of the 'productive' lexicon, although BSL clearly has far fewer 'basic signs' fixed in the lexicon (Sutton-Spence and Woll 2000, 197).
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