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Perspectives on Psychological Frameworks: A Comparison of Psychodynamic, Socio-Cognitive and Personal Construct Theories with Regards to Thoughts, Emotion and Behavior
Compare Freuds psychdynamic theory, socio-cognitive theories of Miscel and bandura and personal construct theories of C. Rogers and G. Kelly, compare these theories regarding their emphasis on thoughts, feelings and actions.
Introduction - Are there any 'right' answers?
As one begins to study psychology, it becomes more and more apparent that many theories are seemingly quite in opposition to one another. There are many logical approaches that lead to this discovery: one could begin from the historical perspective and work forward, in the process finding a continual evolution of theorists and perspectives. One could also simply take a specific pathology such as depression and seek to find a therapeutic intervention. By doing so, one quickly discovers multiple approaches to the understanding of the etiology as well as recommended modalities of treatment. One could also take a philosophical approach in terms of key fundamental beliefs about the nature of man. Is man a tabula rosa, does he come hard-wired with certain already defined traits, predispositions and instinctual drives, or rather does he a much more cognitive creature, constantly reinterpreting a his version of reality?
Though psychology may have the noble goal of understanding, predicting and influencing human behavior, making sense of a science that is uniquely and simultaneously quantitative and qualitative brings with it a complex and often conflicting paradigms. In order to achieve the objectives of psychology, one must carefully examine each for the insight that it can bring. Following this, though one may not be able to construct a fully cohesive theory of behavior, it is possible to have an 'adaptive toolbox' by which it is possible to understand, if not predict, a far greater portion of the range of human behavior.
In reviewing the theories that attempt to provide these answers, there are a few that stand out due to both their historic influence on the science as well as their ability to explain behavior. Though many theories can explain what happened, the real test of a theory is in its ability to accurately describe why an event occurred and, even further, to become a valid predictor of future behaviors. Without spoiling the narrative, it is likely no surprise that there is no one coherent theory that consistently meets all of these criteria. Were it that simple, the study of psychology would consist solely of that one perfect theory. As such, it becomes necessary to closely examine different theories, each of which makes a contribution to the body of knowledge necessary to have even a basic grasp why people are as they are.
On Freud & the Psychoanalytic School - The Emphasis of the Unseen
One would be hard pressed to find a figure that has had a greater impact on any field than that of Sigmund Freud on psychology. A key contribution of Freud is that the proposition of hypothetical structures by which one could explain behavior. The basis for this was that most thoughts and motivations exist in the unconscious, that is, a person is not consciously aware of them but they are nonetheless affected. The unconscious is composed of three psychical structures: the id, ego and the superego. The id is the source of energy and drive, seeking pleasure and avoidance of pain. The ego represents the more rational component of the unconscious in that it measures the will of the id with the realities of constraints of external environment. Finally, the superego is the 'cop' of the two previous structures in that it imposes values and ethics instilled by parents during early childhood on the desires of the id and the rational (in terms of self-preservation, not necessarily with regards to morals) ego (Mischel, 1971, pp.31-32).
When these structures 'disagree', that is, when there is conflict caused by the psychical struggle of being essentially denied the opportunity to pursue a hedonistic goal that might be against the ego's desire of self-preservation or the superego's restrictive moral regulations, anxiety results. As these struggles occur in the unseen, unaware area of psychical space, they do nonetheless produce behaviorally or somatically symptomatic effects. This conflict can express itself as frustration or anxiety in which there exists tension between these three structures which a person seeks to reduce by the expenditure of this pent up psychic energy directed to the pursuit of its own self-seeking pleasure that is being restrained (Strachey, 1959, p. 21).
If it cannot be released 'safely', these inner urges, almost always of a sexual or aggressive nature, finds ways to be released. In the event that it cannot be immediately released, it is either deferred by the reality principle of the ego or it expresses itself through anxiety coping strategies known as defense mechanisms (Strachey, 1959, p. 26; Gleitman, 1986, pp.419-420).
The initial mechanism is repression. Repression simply is the unwilling yet continued deferment that simply creates more anxiety. Consequently, other mechanisms such as displacement are employed. Displacement involves the acting out or release of frustrations upon some other, safer object than the true source of the conflict. For example, stereotypical employee who is chewed out by a supervisor who comes home and kicks the dog. While certainly not good for the animal, it is an outlet which provides the man a release of his psychical energy while not involving law enforcement officers as it would were he to strike his spouse instead. Hence, in this example we see the goals of both the id and the ego achieved though may still conflict as the superego is fully satisfied with the outcome, a situation that can be further remedied if our example man were to work his frustrations out through an inanimate object rather than a living creature.
While there are numerous defense mechanisms, one of Freud's chief works is The Psychopathology of Everyday Life. In this tome, Freud deploys his psychodynamic structures to explain behaviors that are the result of unconscious conflict but less severe than would qualify as psychotic in which there is more of a full departure from the constraints of external reality. For example, the term Freudian slip has been given to errors in speech in which the id sneaks out and the secret desire is given an accidental vocal expression (Brill, 1938, pp. 69-72).
As the unconscious is unseen, it is the job of the therapist schooled in psychoanalytic techniques to draw out the true source of conflict. This is principally achieved by the process of interpretation and representing the unconscious material to the conscious client for consideration and rational resolution. Discerning these sources of conflict in the unconscious is done by careful attention to areas in which the patient expresses resistance towards inquiry and resolution and by errors in speech, forgotten memories or false recollections that contribute to the indication of repressed conflict (Brill, 1938, pp. 38-40).
Such repressed feelings, in addition to occasionally slipping out, can also be elicited by specific modalities such as free association, play, the interpretation of dreams or even hypnosis. Each of these is based upon the idea that the unconscious exists and, when there is conflict, represses it real urges that can nonetheless be teased out by working around an individuals inability to completely mask these feelings. These feelings result in frustration which expresses itself, according to Freud, in any manner of activities and ideas which bring about relief so that we are not blaming ourselves and bearing resultant stress but displacing our own inadequacies and lack of capabilities upon another. In Future of an Illusion (1927), Freud posits perhaps the ultimate displacement in which, man, in his attempts and subsequent frustration to influence death, the weather and other uncontrollable external phenomena, created a human-like god in his own image by which he could pray and issue appeals. The futility of this concept led Freud to conclude that belief in religion was infantile and that his psychoanalytic technique, if not absolutely correct, was certainly in the right direction (Black, 2000, p. 14).
The psychodynamic approach, whether ultimately correct or not, has given psychologist of all 'denominations' a rich vocabulary and, at the very least, at starting point from which disagreement is possible. A chief source of contention with Freud is his emphasis upon sexual issues in early childhood. Critics reference Freud's preoccupation with this angle of pathology with his own statements that, no neurosis is possible in a wholly normal sexual life (Strachey, 1959, p. 17). While Freud insisted that he found physical and psychical activity of a definite sexual nature in the earliest stages of childhood, his stand on this issue likely had the unintended effect of directing psychologist in other directions to search for the elusive and hopefully, more socially acceptable, means to understand human behavior. It was this type of encouragement that led subsequent scientists to postulate additional corollaries and theorems.
Personal Construct Theory - Who am I?
One clear example of extensions of many of Freud's ideas can be seen in what is termed phenomenological approaches to the mysteries of behavior. Such theories have a primarily internal motivational system as well as the constructs of psychical structures and the principles that incongruence in these systems produces anxiety. While still emphasizing an internal, unseen motivation impetus, a phenomenological theory deemphasizes the past and focuses on one's current situational experiences.
One method utilized to elucidate the concepts of this approach is to highlight points of differentiation between this approach and the psychoanalytic school. One such difference that is readily discernable is that in the psychoanalytic approach, motivations are somewhat constant and not limited to sexual or aggressive themes. Rather, Allport, a primary proponent of such an approach, advocates a system in which motivations are discontinuous throughout a person's life. Taking this one step further from Freudian psychology, Allport describes mature, adult motives as being not necessarily tied to any specific unfulfilled biological desire (Mischel, 1976, p. 100).
Additionally, phenomenological approaches stress the unique experiential perspective of the person in question. The well-articulated of Carl Rogers is that, behavior is basically the goal-directed attempt of the organism to satisfy its needs as experienced, in the field as perceived (Rogers, 1951, p. 491 as cited in Mischel, 1976, p. 104). A key notion of this idea, like Freud's psychical structures, the idea of the self. This concept of a self is an organized, consistent, conceptual gestalt composed of perceptions of the characteristics of I or me and the perceptions of the I or me relative to others and to various aspects of life (Rogers, 1959, p. 200 as cited in Mischel, 1976, p. 105).
An additional tenet of the self is that, somewhat like Freud's superego, it becomes possessed of values. Also like the superego or the ego, the one's self can be in conflict with one's values and can also similarly cause stress and anxiety resultant from this conflict. Though such a seemingly Freudian example as potty training, psychical conflict can be resolved by an accommodation process in which the parents learn to accept the child's feelings in it's situation and the child comes to adopt or adapt to the imposed value system of the parents.
Going to one step further, Kelly's Personal Construct Theory takes the experiential aspect of the phenomenological approach and essentially makes it 'client-centric' in that it seeks to gain information from the person and then find a way to make sense of it rather than trying to first gather information from a bias perspective of a specific approach. By seeking to understand a scenario from the understanding of the client, it is possible to see that certain behaviors are rational, given the circumstances (Mishcel, 1976, pp. 108-109). One method understanding behavior utilizing this framework is labeled constructive alternativism. By using this method, one seeks for understanding of the another's perspective (i.e, the patient) by looking for what that person gains from having such a perspective. By understanding the convenience or utility of a specific construction, one can then examine the outcomes and rationally seek alternative means of cognitively interpreting experiences (Mischel, 1976, p.110).
In addition, phenomenological approaches emphasize roles. That is, a role is simply a predetermined perspective that forces one to consider an event from an additional point of view thereby often changing the interpretation of the event (Mischel, 1976, p. 111).
An extension of Kelly's contributions to the phenomenological approach to understanding behavior is that of Abraham Maslow's ubiquitous hierarchy of needs. According to this approach, an individual's motivation is not necessarily from repressed conflict but rather is expressed positively as a continual striving to be self-actualized. Self-actualization is at the top of the hierarchy of needs and, as such, cannot be achieved until lower needs such as basic food and shelter, security and stability can be satisfied.
In regards to treatment, by necessity of the perspective which it advocates, phenomenological approaches are very client-centered. A posit of this view is that the therapist does not interpret what is heard or observed but rather the therapist clarifies and re-presents it to the client so that they may be aware of it. By this approach, the therapist brings an external perspective to what had been an inner experience and the client can reinterpret the material for themselves (Gleitman, 1986, pp. 703-704).
Behaviorism- A Contrast in Motivation from Psychodynamics
If psychodynamic theory and the phenomenological approach, both focused on the 'inner experiences' of an individual in order to explain behavior, can be thought of as being on one end of a continuum of understanding, the opposite side would be occupied by a behaviorist approach. According to this paradigm, in its purest form, behaviors can be reduced to a simple pairing of a stimulus and a response. Such an outlook forms the basis for operant conditioning made famous by such scientists as Pavlov and Skinner. These pure behaviorists esteemed the view that essentially all learning is driven by the consistent pairing of a stimulus and response and that behavior could be understood and manipulated by an understanding of the operating parameters of the experiment and the reinforcement schedules employed (Bolles, 1979, p. 38 & p. 121).
From a behaviorist viewpoint, there are four means by which subjects learn and behavior can be reinforced or extinguished:
- Presentation of a positive stimulus - a traditional reward in which a desired behavior is paired with an object of desire such as a food pellet or love and acceptance (Bandura, 1969, p. 217, 225-226; Bolles, 1979, p. 122).
- Removal of a positive stimulus - This is akin to a revoking of a privilege or a time-out in that unless performance is achieved, the reward is not enjoyed. (Bandura, 1969, p. 217, 225-226; Bolles, 1979, p. 122).
- Presentation of a negative stimulus - Typically viewed as punishment, this can represent electric shocks, spanking or the combination of any undesirable consequence with substandard performance (Bandura, 1969, pp. 295-296; Bolles, 1979, p. 122).
- Removal of negative stimulus - This is essentially the same as the presentation of a positive reinforcer in that the removal of a negative constitutes a positive.
These methods, along with various reinforcement schedules such as continuous fixed-interval, continuous variable-interval and continuous reinforcement not only have explanative power in terms of explaining past behaviors but are useful in influencing current behaviors. For example, consider the application in two common methods of discipline in child-rearing: spanking and time-out. The theoretical basis for each is readily understood through a behavioral perspective: spanking is a punishment while time-out is simply the removal of a positive stimulus.
By utilizing behavior techniques such as shaping and modeling and various types of contingent incentive systems, it is possible to train complex and specific behaviors. Though it may seem quite obvious for lab rats and dog training, behaviorism also has far reaching consequences for understanding and manipulating human behavior. From the previously mentioned child-rearing to complex systems of compensation in organizations and consumer purchasing behavior, it is apparent that you get what you reward (Foxall, 1993, pp. 7-8; Kerr, 1995, pp. 7-10).
Additionally, behaviorism has proven its utility in a number of deviant or pathological conditions ranging from anxiety to alcoholism and sexual deviance to overeating and obesity related disorders. In each case, situations are analyzed to determine what reinforcers are currently operating. Following this, an assessment of the most applicable techniques such as aversive conditioning, behavior shaping, or incentive systems are implemented and reviewed as necessary to ensure compliance.
Contrasting behaviorism with its emphasis on external cues for behavior and the psychodynamic approach which emphasizes the internal, instinctual motivational drive, it becomes apparent that a something of a hybridized approach should be theorized. Social learning theory seeks to provide such a unified perpespective.
Social Learning Theory - In context: Internal Attenuation of External Stimuli
Perhaps best stated by Bandura in his work, Social Learning Theory (1977, p. vii), social learning theory approaches the explanation of human behavior in terms of a continuous reciprocal interaction between, cognitive, behavioral, and environmental determinants. This system acknowledges that learning by operant conditioning occurs yet is tempered by internal cognitive processes and drives. The behavioral component serves to both motivate and reinforce certain behaviors but social learning goes one step further, indicating that people learn from observation of the environment by modeling. From a behaviorist perspective, it might be akin to a sort of vicarious learning scenario in which people learn by witnessing the reinforcement schemes that apply to others. By doing so, a persons own inhibitions and motivations are strengthened (Bandura, 1977, p. 49).
Though one could potentially label the internal self-regulation of activity as simply a self-deployed contingent reinforcement system, social learning theory postulates that there is a separate, more cognitive aspect of this type of motivation in which people choose for themselves which outcomes they desire based upon such factors as how they feel about their own level of achievement. Thus, the accuracy of their self-perception features a hallmark of the Roger's phenomenological approach yet is still viewed within an almost Skinnerian context of behavioral reinforcers creating a synthesis of these two systems (Mischel, 1976, p. 94; Bandura, 1977, pp. 138-139).
Social learning theorists explain dysfunctional behavior in a way that emphasizes the idea of self-regulation from the perspective of the attractiveness of rewards within the context of a dynamic environment. A common form of pathology in this school is unrealistic, inaccurate or excessive comparisons with others. Such judgments lead to self-disparagement, depression and low self-worth (Bandura, 1977, pp. 140-141).
Such lines of thought have led to the formulation of the idea that self-efficacy is a key construct in the ability of people to both regulate physically and adapt cognitively to their environments. Defined from the phenomenological perspective, self-efficacy is the perceptions and beliefs about one's ability to influence or manipulate the environment to create a desired result (Bandura, 1997, p. 3). Self-efficacy is closely related to other key aspects of social learning theory such as self-control and locus of control issues that have bearing on behavioral outcomes.
Self-control can be defined as the ability of a person to regulate (temporarily repress from a psychodynamic perspective) one's desires for a particular course of action in lieu of an alternative choice that may be more or less attractive for any number of reasons. One example of this comes from the work of Mischel in experiments with school children on their ability to exercise self-control in choosing to delay gratification for a larger deferred reward over a smaller yet immediate incentive. This research revealed a number of factor influencing the children's' choices including the apparent trust of the experimenter to actually deliver a reward later, the age of the children and the extent to which the object was visible and tempting to them. Further, it became evident that some children (older and wiser) employ strategies such as distracting themselves in order to defer gratification so that waiting was an easier choice. Similarly, some children developed seeming contra-strategies in which they apparently hampered their ability to cope with the temptation and choose the smaller, more immediate reward (Mischel & Mischel, 1983, pp. 603-604; Mischel & Underwood, 1974, p.1083).
From research of this nature, Bandura concludes that psychological frustration is not necessarily one's perceived inability to control outcomes or the environment but rather it is the perceived inefficacy to control oneself in a contextual environment (Bandura, 1997, pp. 324-325). Coming full-circle to psychodynamic approaches, Tobacyk, Nagot & Miller (1988) conclude that locus-of-control, a closely related concept to self-efficacy, had a significant relationship with the degree to which subjects held to beliefs in paranormal or superstitious activity (p. 241). Conclusion - Putting it all in Perspective
Clearly, there is no one right answer. However, that is also not to indicate that any of the above approaches to solving the mysteries of human behavior are incorrect. Even without a printed table of the strengths and shortcomings of each, it becomes apparent that the advantage is in having a broad repertoire of theories.
There are a number of great debates in the world of explaining behavior. The range of theories described in the preceding pages focus chiefly but on one: what is the source of motivation? It seems that both the advocates of an internal source and the disciples of external motives have voluminous research, explanatory power and therapeutic value to pathological conditions.
Another great debate touched upon by these pages is that of nature vs. nuture. Is a man what you can make him or is he that what he is, a product of biology and early childhood experiences? One simple, illustrative and insightful experiment to this great debate occurred when researchers created identical genetic clones of a few specific plant specimens. Researchers then planted each of these plants in differing yet hospitable environments. As one might guess, the plants did not grow identically (Tobach & Rosoff, 1994, p54). While the extent to which plants can be induced to have guilt or behaviorally conditioned, the analogy is applicable in that people, under varying circumstances are also likely to develop differently. Such a broad pattern of even normal development warrants that there be a number theories, all of which might apply at one point or another, to explain the rich diversity of human experience.
Works Consulted
1. Bandura, A. (1997). Self-Efficacy: The Exercise of Control. New York, New York: W.H. Freeman & Company.
2. Bandura, A. (1977). Social Learning Theory. Englewood Cliffs: New Jersey.
3. Bandura, A. (1969). Principles of Behavior Modification. New York, New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston.
4. Black, D. (2000). The Functioning of Religions from a Modern Psychoanalytic Perspective. Mental Health, Religion & Culture,3(1), 13-26.
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7. Foxall, G. (1993). A Behaviourist Perspective on Purchase & Consumption. European Journal of Marketing, 27(8), 7-16.
8. Freud, S. (1927). The Future of an Illusion. New York, New York: W.W. Norton & Company.
9. Gleitman, H. (1986). Psychology, 2nd Edition. New York, New York: W.W. Norton & Company.
10. Kerr, S. (1995, Feb). On the Folly of Rewarding A, while Hoping for B. The Academy of Management Executive, 9(1), pp. 7-16.
11. Mischel, W. (1976). Introduction to Personality, 2nd Edition. New York, New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston.
12. Mischel, H. & W. Mischel. (1983). The Development of Children's Knowledge of Self-Control Strategies. Child Development, 54, 603-619.
13. Mischel, W. & B. Underwood. (1974). Instrumental Ideation in Delay of Gratification. Child Development, 45, 1083-1088.
14. Strachey, S. (trans.). (1959). Beyond the Pleasure Principle. New York, New York: Bantam Books. [Originally published in 1920 by S. Freud].
15. Tobach, E. & B. Rosoff. (eds.). ( 1994). Challenging Racism and Sexism: Alternatives to Genetic Explanations. New York, New York: The Feminist Press.
16. Tobacyk, J., E. Nagot, & M. Miller. (1988). Paranormal Beliefs and Locus of Control: A Multidimensional Examination. Journal of Personality Assessment, 52(2), 241-246.
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