Jews Arabs Cultural
А Cross-Cultural Comparison Of Some Aspect Of Psychological Functioning Of The Palestinian-Arabs And The Israeli-Jews
The current information shows Israeli-Jews and Palestinian-Arabs participating in the conflict between their societies in many stereotypical ways. Palestinian-Arabs in Gaza and the West Bank are shown fighting Israeli-Jews to prevent them from capturing young Palestinians suspected of resisting the occupation.
The most prevalent identities in Israel, according to Moore (1998a) and Kimmerling and Moore (1997), are the family identity and structure, followed by the Jewish/ Arab, Israeli/Palestinian, and the occupational identity. These collective identities represent different aspects of the collectivity for both Jews and Palestinians. The first has territorial and civic connotations; the second is related to broader, primordial loyalties that imply affiliation with the Jewish people in the Diaspora or the Pan-Arab world. (Moore, 1998b)
Parenting is often deeply rooted in cultural traditions, attitudes, care giving practices and beliefs (Elbedour, Bart & Hektner, 2000). The contribution of the broader social and а cultural context to early parenting can be readily investigated in Israel. The Israeli population contains two major cultural subgroups which differ in their ethnic origin: the Ashkenazi or Western Jews, mostly of European and North American origin, and the Sephardic or Oriental Jews, mostly of North African and Asian descent. Although the Oriental Jews underwent а rapid process of acculturation and Westernization, they maintained some of their original cultural heritage, especially with regard to traditional family life and child-rearing practices. For example, this study has found differences between Israeli-Jews and Palestinian-Arabs mothers with respect to behavioral expectations, such as 'cleanliness'. Hence, Israel-Jews, with its diverse cultural background, may still provide an appropriate setting to study the links between cultural dimensions and child rearing styles.
Some Palestinian-Arabs studies have looked into childbearing and child-rearing practices in instances where emic and etic conceptions are in conflict and where they are in agreement. But few cross-cultural studies have as yet moved beyond the immediate family to consider the emic and etic perspectives in relation to broad societal factors that may be associated with abuse or neglect.
Most Arabs children interact with а large group of children from the extended family of the tribe, involving а range of situations and many activities. The children in the condemned family, however, were socially isolated, staying close to the tent at all times, and having no friends for fear of being located. In Palestinian-Arabs society, children learn social behavior from their peers in large extended family interactions. Lacking peer interactions, the younger children were socially underdeveloped. Two wet their beds, and one of the girls had а serious stammer. All looked very thin and physically underdeveloped. So, family structure may have an effect on children education, but it is only а small percent.
The Palestinian-Arabs father appeared tired, nervous, and irritable. He typically communicated with family members by shouting. The mother tended to isolate herself emotionally. She devoted most of her energy to family chores, and coped by praying often for patience. Palestinian-Arabs families' conversation tended to be limited to practical tasks, through the parents sometimes recounted tales that reinforced cultural values. (Farsoun, Aruri, 2006) For example, а Palestinian-Arab father told his sons stories about а brave soldier from the past whose strength and power enabled him to survive incredible hardship. The Arabic mother told her daughters stories about the ideal woman who worked hard beside her husband, patiently enduring God's judgment.
On the other side, the children of Israeli-Jews had а peculiar way of speaking to each other, as if unable to communicate other than by crying, shouting, or calling each other derogatory names like Jish (one who gets attention). Their interactions tended to be prone to anger and violence at the slightest provocation. The eldest expressed his culturally determined leadership position by ordering the others about in each of their activities.
From psychological point of view, sexuality is also learned from peers, since cultural taboos prevent Israeli-Jews adults from discussing sexual matters with their children. Therefore, although the oldest son, 16, was а man according to Israeli conventions, no one in his family had ever talked to him about human sexuality.
As I have noted that in Palestinian-Arabs culture, the typical family consists of а religious father, homemaker mother, and children, all living in one home. This was my narrow view of society in general and many families' follows this model very closely, so it is indeed normal to them. Therefore, in my opinion, family values and aspect of psychological functioning within these two cultures are different from each other.
Early Palestinian-Arabs called the family а social institution, emphasizing the rules and expectations that guided family interaction. Arabs stated that the family consisted of at least two adults of the opposite sex, united by marriage, living together, pooling their resources, sharing intimacy, and producing and raising children. It is а well know fact that this definition of family only applies to some families while others live in similar or entire opposite situations.
Today, there are of course many Israeli-Jews families with parents and children, and this course has shown me this with broadening my definition of family considerably. Children are raised by many varieties of Jewish adults, single parents, grandparents, kin networks, homosexual couples, and others. After examination of the culture and society of Israeli-Jews, I found that these people are the ones who have given different senses of what family is and why their psychological thoughts are different from Palestinian-Arabs. The above information is really enough to understand the culture and society of Palestine and Israel.
Since biblical times, the land of Israel has belonged to the Jews, but after Diaspora, the Arabs claimed the land. Since the return of the Jews to their 'homeland' the two races have fought over what they both claim to be their Holy Land, given to them by God. The psychological conflict between Arab and Jew still rages, with suicide bombings and militia violence happening every day. Because of the nature and age of the conflict, perhaps а lasting peace between Arab and Jew is impossible. Israeli Jews have occupied the territory of Israel for thousands of years. They believe that their God promised the land to them, and Jerusalem, the capital of Israel, is their Holy City. Jewish community of Israel therefore considers that the land formerly known as Palestine belongs to them.
The Palestinian-Arabs believe that because they have most recently occupied Palestine that the land belongs rightfully to them. As I have observed many facts and figures, I have come to know that there are many different family types in Palestinian-Arabic population when discussing structure and responsibilities. While reading Israeli-Jews within this course, it made me more aware of the variety of family structures from the past, into the present and what will be expected in the near future.
References
Elbedour, S., Bart, W. M., & Hektner, J. M. (2000). Scholastic achievement and family marital structure: The case of adolescents from monogamous and polygamous families among Bedouin Arabs in Israel. The Journal of Social Psychology, 140, 503-514.
Farsoun, Samih K. and Aruri, Naseer (2006), Palestine and the Palestinians, Westview Press, 2nd edition.
Kimmerling, B. and Moore, D. (1997). "Collective Identity as Agency and Structuration of Society (The Israeli case)." International Journal of Sociology.
Moore, D. (1998a). "Gender Identities and Social Action: Arab and Jewish women in Israel." Journal of Applied Behavioral Science, 34:5-29.
Moore, D. (1998b). "No Longer Complacent?: Why Israeli Women did not Rebel?" Journal for the Theory, of Social Behavior, 28:169-192.
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