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What role do minority nationalist parties play in contemporary Spanish Politics?

The events of March 11th 2004, where 191 people died in terrorist attacks in Madrid, were blamed by many, including the ruling centre-right government of José María Aznar, on separatist nationalist groupings. Although subsequently exonerated from involvement, the reaction was testimony to the feeling of many Spaniards, regardless of political affiliation, who are in little doubt of the murderous commitment of nationalist parties. In the election of March 14th, three days after the events, the ruling Popular Party was ejected from office and replaced by José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero’s Socialist PSOE government, a result which many political commentators attributed to the false accusations made by the PP after the attacks, and Mr Aznar was succeeded by Mariano Rajoy as leader of the PP. The PP was accused of manipulating public opinion by pinning the blame for the attacks on the Basque nationalist group ETA. The true attackers actually talked of revenge for Mr Aznar’s backing of Mr Bush in Iraq and the loss of the Moorish kingdom of al-Andaluz.

The minority nationalist parties come from the Basque region (PNV), Catalonia (CiU and ERC), Galicia (BNG) and the Canary Islands (CC). Prior to 2002, there was also the Herri Batasuna (HB) party, a separatist Basque coalition, outlawed because of its links to the paramilitary Euskadi ti Askatasuna (ETA). Along with the Spanish Socialist Workers Party (PSOE), the Popular Party, (PP), the United Left (IU), including the Communist Party (PCE), these parties make up all the parties sitting in the national legislature. Each of the nationalist parties has a separatist agenda, to varying degrees, demanding autonomy from Spanish rule.

In terms of the constitutional of the bicameral Cortes, the parliament, the number of seats these minority nationalist parties occupy is small; the PNV occupies 13 seats, the CiU 14, the ERC 20, and the CC 6. From a total of 259 Senators and 350 Deputies, these parties have little political voice, however. On the other hand, there are 51 seats in the Senate reserved for regional representatives, who are not directly elected, but which are not affiliated with any political party. But none of this adds up to real political influence and the Canary Islands parties have no role at all.

In April 2004, Mr Zapatero’s first act as President was to withdraw Spanish troops from Iraq. Mr Zapatero, whose nickname “Bambi” reflects public perception of him as too weak a leader, has still to prove that he is able to maintain Spanish unity in the face of demands from nationalists for more autonomy. It is arguable, however, that as a constitutional monarchy Spain is legally much more likely to remain unified, because of its legal system, with King Juan Carlos II at the its head, which keeps the majority parties at a constitutional advantage.

The nationalist parties at the European Parliament are grouped with the main nationalist parties, but are nevertheless of minor importance, because of their limited numbers. The socialist government reoriented its European Union policy to Spain’s traditional support for Germany and France and was the first country to support the European Union referendum. Therefore the nationalist parties are in the paradoxical position of demanding autonomy from Spain, yet regional recognition within a federal Europe.

Mr Zapatero’s invitation to the Basque president and leader of the PNV, Mr Ibarretxe, to a debate in the Cortes earlier this year was largely a failure for the nationalists, however it did not stop a referendum in the Basque country from taking place this month, which led, however, to the loss of seats for the PNV and a gain for the ruling Socialists. This is an example of the disproportionately large amount of exposure nationalist political parties gain in the media when compared to their overall influence in the political arena. If it were not for the especial insistence and largely single issue politics of minority parties such as the PNV and the Catalonian CiU and ERC, these parties’ influence would presumably be further eroded and any future regional vote is unlikely to further the nationalists’ independence from Spain. Mr Ibarretxe has had his cameo appearance.

Spanish nationalist parties are much more likely to gain power with the bigger parties, the PP or the PSOE Socialists, in a Madrid coalition. This happened in the previous government between the Catalan nationalists and the PP. Working outside the territory which they claim for their own, the nationalists have become vicarious separatists, vital to the political life of Spain, but ironically supporting the major political parties who oppose nationalism.

The majority of the Spanish population do not want regional autonomy for the Basque or Catalans, either. In a poll earlier this yeara majority of Spaniards supported military intervention in the Basque country to prevent autonomy, prior to the Basque elections. Even the Basque people inside the Basque country are divided in their choice of how to secede. Mr Ibarretxe failed to convince supporters of Batasuna, the banned political wing of ETA, to his party and has been required to form coalitions with other groups, many of whom do not share his secessionist agenda, in order to gain any political influence at all.

In conclusion, the “Zapatero effect”, the President’s absurd willingness to negotiate everything, still dominates Spanish politics. The minority nationalist parties’ role has therefore become more peripheral, because their nationalism has had to be diluted in order to be accepted into the political mainstream. This must not be a deterrent to their cause, however, because they should continue to embrace the President’s desire for dialogue and has already led to the first peaceful election for years. Mr Zapatero should take this a stage further and allow negotiations for full independence, if the majority of any region’s people ever peacefully vote for it. Unfortunately for the minority political parties, they are unlikely to play much of a role in this political process; it is up to the Spanish people.

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