NATO Europe Influence
Has NATO Membership Transformed East-Central Europe into an American Sphere of Influence?
This essay will use the example of security and defence issues to show how NATO membership has meant an increasing Atlanticism in the post-communist East-Central European states, with specific reference to Poland. The twin issues of the Poland's support for the Iraq war and the American plan to involve Poland in its missile defence system will be presented as clear examples of America's increasing influence in the region. Furthermore, both matters show the conflict between pro-European and Atlanticist tendencies in the region, as well as highlighting the associated problem of maintaining relations with Russia whilst simultaneous being an American ally.
In March 1999 the Czech Republic, Hungary & Poland joined NATO. It was these countries, referred to as the ‘Visegrad Group' who were the first East-Central European countries to declare their interest in NATO membership in the post-Warsaw Pact period. As early as 1993 Russia began to express reservations about expanding NATO membership eastwards, claming that such a process was a threat to its national security (a similar argument to the one made by the USSR post-1917 when it feared that ‘capitalist encirclement' by the West would result in the revolution being strangled at birth). Russia viewed NATO as the “biggest military grouping in the world that possesses an enormous offensive potential”(cited in Stadtmuller, H.E., 2001). The history of Polish-Russian relations helped shape Poland's Westward-looking security strategy following the demise of the USSR. Improved relations with Germany meant that Poland's Eastern borders were its chief long-term security concern. It was felt that inclusion in the Western institutions, such as the EU and NATO would best serve Poland's national interest:
“After a half century break, the Polish nation wants to return to general orientation towards western civilisation. Strengthening its independence and security, Poland wants to participate in building European unity and a new international order” (cited in (cited in Stadtmuller, H.E., 2001).)
Poland tried to convince Russia that its joining of NATO was not some sort of anti-Russian tactic designed to antagonize but rather a continuation of a process towards greater Polish integration into the European community. Polish Prime Minister Wlodzimierz Cimoszewicz argued that Russia had to understand that NATO was not an aggressive organisation and that Poland wished to join not merely for economic reasons but also because membership could provide a degree of much needed economic stability (Stadtmuller, H.E., 2001). He asserted that Russian “objections to NATO enlargement… are really based on the logic of the past epoch; they fail to recognise the changes which have taken place in Europe” (cited in Stadtmuller, H.E., 2001). The former Minister for Foreign Affairs, Darius Rosati claimed that such changes meant that Russia's historical sphere of influence in Eastern-Central Europe was no longer applicable; “we are against… Russian demands that there should be some legally binding commitment of Western countries or NATO countries not to admit countries which used to be part of the former Soviet Union [as] this implies that the West recognises the right of a sphere of influence” (cited in Stadtmuller, H.E., 2001).
The American influence upon Poland since it has joined NATO is clear when Poland's position on two controversial matters is examined, namely the missile defence system and the Iraq war. The issue of the Iraq war posed a dilemma for Poland; would it follow its European neighbours and vote not to allow NATO to provide military assistance for the invasion, or would it follow the Atlanticist route and support the war? Eventually Poland sided with the Americans and sent troops to both Iraq and Afghanistan. Its decision not to side with what Donald Rumsfeld infamously termed ‘Old Europe' was significant as it caused tension between Poland on the one side, and France and Germany on the other. Germany rejected Polish proposals to contribute peacekeepers to the Polish contingent. Poland was the only Central European nation to provide troops for Iraq. Membership of NATO and membership of the EU can occasionally mean that the former Warsaw Pact nations are pulled in different directions and are compelled to choose between pro-European and pro-American desires. An example of this is the dispute over the International Criminal Court, whereby countries such as Romania and Macedonia could have opted to support NATO's position, which promised immunity from prosecution for American soldiers on peacekeeping missions, or the EU position, which opposed this.
Central-Eastern Europe is the prime site for the American's proposed missile defence system. The U.S. claims that the ‘missile shield' is necessary in order to intercept any possible missile attacks from Iran, arguing that it is not only for the benefit of America but also safeguards the security of Europe as a whole (Traynor, I., 2007). The Czech Republic has been chosen as the base for a radar-tracking station, whilst Poland is the front-runner in the race to be the home of silos for ten interceptor rockets. The missile defence system has been vehemently criticized by Russia, which sees it as yet another ploy by NATO in its expansion Eastwards and claims that it would be disruptive force in the balance of power in Europe (Tisdall, S., 2007). Russia has claimed that the American plans violate NATO's post-cold war pledge not to build bases in what were previously Warsaw Pact states (Tisdall, S., 2007). The plans have not only riled Russia but have also created further divisions within Europe. As with the Iraq war, the East-Central European nations are far more accommodating of the American's plans than France, Germany and Spain et al. This is yet another example of the pro-American tendencies trumping pro-European thinking. Whilst the Polish government have recently expressed reservations over the missile defence plans, claiming that greater military aid from the US is required so that the Poles can improve their defence infrastructure, such reservations can be attributed to the fact that there will soon be a new occupant at the White House and the Polish government is keen to delay any decision until the identity of the new President is known, whist also perhaps bargaining to improve the terms of any agreement. Poland's decision to side with America over such controversial matters should not be interpreted as being motivated merely by self-interest but rather what has been termed “instinctive Atlanticism” (Zaborowski, M & Longhurst, K, 2003) which has led to the situation whereby Poland is adopting the role of a regional leader in Central East Europe, leading it to be termed “America's protégé” in Central-East Europe. (Zaborowski, M & Longhurst, K, 2003). This “instinctive Atlanticism” is born out of mutual concerns over matters of security; Poland is aware of the benefits that an alliance with American can bring, especially with regard to any possible future threat from Russia.
The former Warsaw Pact countries have once again become something of a battle ground between Russia and America. Responding to claims by Putin that Russia would target missiles at Kiev should Ukraine join NATO, Condoleezza Rice showed that the US no longer consider Central Eastern Europe to be under Russia's influence by stating “NATO will do what it must as an alliance, and Russia has no veto…The Soviet Union had all these parts, but that was another point in time, and it is gone forever, and I hope that Russia understands that"(Radnofsky, L., 2008). Further eastward expansion of NATO risks further antagonizing Russia which fears a growing military threat (Croft, S. et. al, 2000, Croft, 2002). It has been convincingly argued that NATO's expansion eastward coupled with the further integration of the Central East European states into NATO's military structures threatens Russia's relationship with the West (McGwire, 1998). It is McGuire's contention that any benefits gained by greater expansion of NATO, by including former members of the Warsaw Pact, would be negated by the subsequent deterioration in relations between Russia and the West.
In conclusion, the example of Poland shows that NATO membership has meant that the balance of power in East-Central Europe has shifted away from Russia, which historically saw the region as its specific sphere of influence, in favour of a stronger alliance with America. Poland's decision to support America's war on terror and commit troops to Afghanistan and Iraq indicates that its loyalties now are more Atlanticist than Russian, or even European. Poland's stance on Iraq was in stark contrast to that of the traditional powerhouses of Europe, France and Germany. This conflict between pro-American and pro-European thinking is also evident in the matter of the missile defence plan. Whilst much of Europe questions the need for the ‘missile shield', the East-Central European states are far more receptive to the idea, reflecting not only their growing alliance with America but also a strategy of real politick, influenced by the desire to ensure an adequate defence against the historically dominant power in the region, namely, Russia. Russian objections to the plan, and the way in which they have gone largely unheeded by the Poles and the Czechs, indicate the loss of influence and power of the Kremlin, which since NATO membership, has been gradually undermined and superseded by the influence of the White House.
Bibliography:
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[cited 01/06/2008]
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