You are here: UK Essays » Essays » International Studies » Cultural Social Institutions

Free Essays - International Studies Essays

The Influence of Cultural and Social Institutions in the Development of the Japanese Group-Oriented Self

Among Asia's most affluent patriarchiesis that of the Japanese people. Their unique combination of isolationism andcultural borrowing shaped society, hewing a social mold adhered to by a greatmajority of people. The unique Japanese cultural institutions such as religionand language are indicative of the constant Japanese endorsement of the idealof the greater good. The influence of the Chinese feudal system encouragedthe Japanese to regiment themselves according to Confucian values. TheJapanese, in keeping with these cultural traditions, de-emphasize theindividual self, perceiving it as one of ambition and deviance. It comesnaturally that the translation of cultural traditions to social institutionsbolsters the importance of the group-oriented self.  Through the carefulexamination of the different Japanese institutions, it becomes easier to tracethe history of the group-oriented self and its importance in Japanese society.

Discussion

The concept of the individual self is one not highly regarded inConfucian Japanese Culture. Introduced by the Protestant Reformation, theconcept of the individual self is one of great burden and responsibility. Inthe context of Christianity, an individual is responsible for his/her ascensionto Heaven or damnation to Hell. Most closely examined are the individual'sactions for which he/she is solely responsible. According to Western scholarssuch as Soren Kierkegaard, the self is the life-work which God judges foreternity; individual action is something to which one is to aspire and also towhich one is ultimately obliged (Kierkegaard 1983, p. 19). The duties imposedon the individual are to God and religion, and the subsequent moral code is onebased on the dictates of Heaven. In his Fear and Trembling, Kierkegaarddetails duty using the example of Abraham, who is forced to sacrifice his onlyson, Isaac. The significance of the Biblical account is in the individualstruggle between Abraham's love for his only son and his devotion to God.Representing submission before God, Abraham's station in life was increased,and those who follow the Judeo-Christian-Islamic tradition venerate Abraham asthe greatest of all, great by that power whose strength is powerlessness(Kierkegaard 1983, p. 16). The Protestant concept of self is that there is onlythe self and God; the supplicant individual lives to do the will of God, andthe individual's duty to God supercedes duty to worldly connections such ascommunity and/or society. In stark contrast to the Protestant and various Christianconcepts of the self, the Confucian tradition of the Japanese elite dictates asense of universality. Unlike Protestantism's veneration of the relationshipbetween individual and God, the Confucian concept of self is one of duty tosocial hierarchy. The Chinese Confucianism adopted by the Japanese eliteprescribed basic social strata known as the Three Bonds, a particular patternof social stability from highly prescribed rigid bonds of social conduct(Slote 1998, p. 123). Though similar social prescriptions exist inChristianity, they exist solely because they are dictates from God.Confucianism's individual loyalty exists to the social structure and thecommunity of the individual; the Three Bonds (today criticized by many Chinesescholars) revolves around the power hierarchies of ruler over minister, fatherover son, and husband over wife (Slote 1998, p. 121). Life stations areequally determined by gender and age, with the youth supplicating to the oldand the female bowing to male dominance. Japanese Confucianism is specificallycentered on duty as obedience to social systems. For example, a Japanese womanin the Confucian system would never be a leader, as she would have to accede tothe demands placed upon her by the Three Bonds. As a daughter she follows herfather, as a wife, she follows her husband, and as a mother, she follows herson (Slote 1998, p. 122). Similarly, men are bound to their stations in lifeas by becoming lax in the social order invites chaos and integral damage tosociety. The Three Bonds transcend simple familial and gender roles, however;they are manifested in social roles as well. The Japanese feudal system wasbased on these similar principles; a farmer could not become a nobleman orscholar, as his station in life was to cultivate fields. Similar to the Hinducaste system, the Confucian adherence to duty was all encompassing. Unlike itsWestern Christian counterpart, the Confucian self does not exist opposite adeity on whose behalf the self is compelled to act; the Confucian self issubordinate to society and its role (perhaps its caste) first. The end of theThree Bonds is reliance upon order and hierarchy, whereas the Westernpromulgation of individuality ultimately prioritizes freedom and equality(Benedict 1989, p. 43). Western equality is the freedom of choice, whereasits Japanese counterpart is the equal imposition of the social hierarchy on allmembers of society.

In attempting tounderstand the Japanese group-orientation, it is first necessary to understandthe impetus of class differences which must be constantly recognized byappropriate behavior (Benedict 1989, p. 48). The family model is the basis forthe group-oriented self, and Confucian ethics of hierarchical patterns arelearned inside the home. In her The Chrysanthemum and the Sword, RuthBenedict describes ritual supplication in the form of bowing, introduced toJapanese inside their homes, a tradition constantly followed. The subordinationof women is the keenest example attributed to the group-oriented self, anirrevocable parcel of Japanese individual orientation. Those who strayed fromthe Confucian social structure became pariahs, as independence of mind was nota recommendation in a society where conformity and group loyalty were consideredhigher social virtues (Li 1996, p. 7). The group orientation of social ethics,founded on the harmony of the household, extended to Japanese social andprofessional lives as well. The Japanese patriarchy reflects a sense of honorand duty; the two concepts are intimately bound and constitute the greatermoral fabric of Japanese society. Japanese social ethics bind groups of peopleinto accepting responsibility for each other. The absence of a delineatedindividual self warranted the development of the Japanese honor system. Becausethe family unit is so tightly regimented and highly organized, it followsnaturally that the perceived dishonorable actions of one will indefinitelyreflect upon the group with whom he/she is associated as well as his/her family.For example, a man who reneges on his duties as a farmer brings contempt uponhim as well as his whole family. His kinsmen's future dealings in society willbe measured against his actions and the consequences of his departure from hissocial status. The group-oriented self is almost a measure of self-control. Theaforementioned concept is not wholly different from the Protestant notion ofthe individual self, existing to establish a relationship with God. Protestantindividuality makes one responsible for his/her actions, just like Confuciangroup-orientation makes everyone responsible for the actions of an individual.Japanese social ethics are in many ways regulated by the highly sensitivesocial radar built into each individual actor (Lebra 1986, p. 44). The naturalsensitivities of the household roles are carried on into society. Just as afather would be responsible for disciplining his errant children, so wouldsociety be responsible for disciplining errant members. The impetus of socialstations and the preservation of the sense of duty existed to establish theConfucian concept of harmony. A meld of Shinto emotionalism and Confucianrationality, the group-oriented self existed to contribute to benevolence,justice, ceremony, loyalty, and knowledge, all of which were interconnected.The highly striated social fabric of Japanese Confucianism lent a sense ofegalitarian opportunism for its male members; the aspect of benevolence was onethat was earned by participating members in Confucian society. For example, thesupplication of a Japanese youth was adhered to with the knowledge that oneday, the one bowing would be bowed to in old age. The respect and submission ofthose of lesser station is both an act of justice, ceremony, loyalty, and knowledge;bowing is a ceremonial tradition of loyalty to society and knowledge of theimportance of following such a system. Moreover, the previously mentionedsimple act of accession serves as a measure of social duty. The act of bowingalso gives the two individuals involved in the act a sense of identity. Unlikethe Western individual defined as a separate, distinctive identity, theJapanese self is identified with the people around it. The elderly are honoredas such by the young who bow before them, and the wife is defined by hersubmission before her husband, and so on. This reliance on society for identitylends to the group-oriented self, as many scholars postulate humans are in aconstant struggle to seek identity (Kierkegaard 1983, p. 67).

In asociety as compartmentalized as Japanese Confucianism, group-oriented selvesactually assert their differences, making as much effort as possible to ensurethat groups do not take on similarities. Separation is essential among theJapanese, and their language is no different. There are two distinct Japaneselanguages: one for males and one for females. In The Handbook of JapaneseLinguistics, Natsuko Tsujimura recalls the difficulty in Western traders'communication with Japanese men. Japanese society dictated that only womencould teach the Japanese language to men; the difficulty in such a situationwas that women were forbidden to speak the language of Japanese men.Consequently, they could only teach Western men the female Japanese standard,earning Western men the enmity of Japanese men. Tsujimura writes that Japanesesociolinguistics developed independently of the Western discipline, and whilelanguage varied according to the speaker's regional background, it alsoreflected social status, age, sex, and education (Tsujimura 1999, p 444).Tsujimura outlines the basic forms of addressing people in the Japaneselanguage, a system known as wakimae; there is a degree of formalityapplied, signified by the addresser and the addressee. A specific formalityexists when a youth is addressing an elder, and the formality changes if theelder is a man or if the elder is a woman. Simultaneously, the degree offormality changes if the person addressing the elder is a man or woman. Thespecific degree of formality is kept consistent with the social stationspreviously discussed. In keeping with Confucian social hierarchy, the largestdegree of formality in wakimae is between a young girl and an elderlyman. Tsujimura notes, in Japanese society, all speakers are expected to assessand acknowledge their sense of place in relation to both the situationalcontext and the social context (Tsujimura 1998, p. 445). In speaking to anelder, the tone of a youth would therein vary according to where the elder wasbeing addressed, where the youth was from, the relation of elder to youth, andthe gender difference between elder and youth. This acknowledgement of one'ssense of place in relation to the situation al context involves theparticipants' interpersonal relationship and the formality of the situation;the relationships vary according to both the social and psychological distancebetween the participants (Tsujimura 1999, p. 445). It would follow logicallythat the degree of formality between a peasant girl and a noble male elderwould be most pronounced, where as the degree of formality between a noble maleelder and an addressed peasant girl would be one of condescendence if at allpresent. The presentation of the self is all-important, further accentuatingthe group-oriented self. The impetus of respect would be most felt by thepeasant girl in question; in order for her and her family to save face, itwould be absolutely necessary for her to show as much respect as possible.Tsujimura continues to explain the importance of politeness in language as aform of neutrality. She explains that lower-class Japanese often agree witheverything the upper-class say as a means of ritualized interaction. Throughthis neutral interaction, the lower-class peasant girl would observe sociallyexpected norms in order to assure the addressee that [no social norms] willbe threatened and that harmony will be maintained (Tsujimura 1999, p. 447).Reservations such as that of the peasant girl would be perceived as a virtue.Western individualism would demonize such submission as an imposition ofpatriarchy. Assertion in western individualism is the forerunner of freedom;self-expression is a virtue, not a threat. Conversely, Japanese culture regardsstrong personalities as subversive and a threat to the Confucian ideal of groupharmony.

All socialconstraints aside, the structure of the Japanese language itself is reflectiveof Confucian harmony. Japanese culture frowns on individualism as subversion tosocial cohesion. Literature exemplifying overly individualist language isfrowned upon when perceived as overly elegant or excessively focused onemotion or thought (Varley 2000, p. 45). Certain forms of expression,especially those connoting extreme

sentiment, arediscouraged as they suggested impiety. Most Japanese words and individualiststemmed from Chinese verse; the Japanese, though isolationist for much oftheir history, held the Chinese in high esteem (Varley 2000, p. 47). It comesas little surprise that the earlier individualist Japanese prose such as SeiShonagon's Pillow Book were so influenced by the Chinese language.Tsujimura writes that the Japanese wealth of pronouns is significant notbecause of the attempts at individualism, but rather because of the ascriptionof accountability (Tsujimura 1999, p. 387). In wakimae, saving face isof the utmost importance. It follows naturally that pronouns would be used mostoften to accept guilt, offer apologies, or ascribe honor to one's self onbehalf of the group represented. The assumption of guilt is necessary, assaving face and facing the full brunt of blame and dishonor is essential in themaintenance of the group's harmony and honor.

Once resolutionfor [an act] is established, honor is gained and social acceptance is garneredupon completion of resolution (Hume 1995, p. 212). Thus, accepting guilt isaspiring to bear the dishonor. Such an act of selflessness not only reflectswell upon the group, family, or business from which the individual came, butalso ensures that future interactions with said group will be almostguaranteed. The prevalence of pronouns such as I, me, and you exist inaccordance with the Japanese concept of accountability, not self-assertion.

Today'sJapanese social organizations, though thoroughly modernized following the endof World War II (WWII), are still shaped greatly around the tenets of theConfucian group-oriented self. Organizations are still predominantlyseniority-based and grounded in tradition. The all-encompassing involvement ofindividuals in these organizations seems to be an Eastern precursor to WesternExistentialism, wherein the life of a human is inconsequential in the grandscheme o the universe. The reckless abandon with which junior members ofJapanese organizations employ, however, is almost utilitarian in nature. Theextension of the house metaphor of social hierarchy is extended into theseorganizations, making social organizations as revered as the familial unit.Most important in these organization seems to be the maintenance of a placidaesthetic. Japanese thought is, in fact, predicated upon an aesthetic ratherthan a rational notion of order (Hume 1995, p. 82). Leadership is aboutappearances; saving face, consolidating honor, and even the concept of unity isone that is for the most part an external manifestation. In contrast to Westernleadership that is based on performance, Japanese leadership comes withseniority of age, gender, and social class.

Conclusion

Followingthe end of Japanese isolationism in the 19^th century, the Japanesebecame open to capitalism and business exchange. The sudden juxtaposition ofthe group-oriented Japanese societies and the individualist aspects of Westernsociety was more of a clash than a melding. Unlike the Chinese culture fromwhich it borrowed heavily, America and the West seemed to promote ideals thatwould not fit into the context of Japanese society. The capitalist ideals ofAmerica promoted ambition, aspiration, and individual rewards, concepts thatare regarded in traditional Japanese circles as selfish and undermining of thesocial fabric. If every man, woman, and child in Japanese society had astation, rewards would not be warranted as completing one's duty is mandatoryand expected. Ambition is in turn subversive to the idea of the group-orientedself; though the Japanese strive for excellence, it is on behalf of theirsociety that they work, not for their own personal gain. Concepts such aspromotions and job mobility are construed as deconstructive and undermining. Rewardsare collective, and are manifested by the cohesion of society and the stasis ofexistence maintained. The influence of Japanese culture and social structure onthe group-oriented individual is all encompassing; contrary to Westernindividualism, the Japanese lexicon has little concept of the individual,focusing instead on the betterment of society as a whole. Through thehierarchical structures of the family and gender, Japanese society hasinstilled in its people a kind of limited existentialism that predicates theimportance of the many over the one. Though its regimented culture is regardedas antiquated, its society has endured nuclear war, economic depression, andreligious revival to become one of the most prominent societies in the world today.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Benedict, Ruth. (1989) The Chrysanthemumand the Sword: Patterns of Japanese Culture. Boston,Houghton-Mifflin.

Hume, Nancy G. (1995) JapaneseAesthetics and Culture: A Reader. Albany, State U of New York P.

Lebra, Takie Sugiyama. (1986) JapaneseCulture and Behavior: Selected Readings. Honolulu, Honolulu U ofHawaii P.

Li, Lincoln. (1996) The China Factor inModern Japanese Thought: The Case of Tachibana Shiraki,1881-1945. Albany, State U of New York P.

Kierkegaard, Soren. (1983) Fear andTrembling; Repetition. Princeton, Princeton U P.

Slote, Walter H. and George A. DeVos.(1998) Confucianism and the Family. Albany, State U P of New York.

Tsujimura, Natsuko (1999). The Handbookof Japanese Linguistics. Oxford, Blackwell Publishers.

Varley, Paul H. (2000) Japanese Culture.Honolulu, Honolulu U of Hawaii P.

All of the essays in this section were written by students and then submitted to us to publish and help others. Thanks to all of the students who have submitted their essays to us. You should not hand in our essays as your own. We do not condone plagiarism! If you need custom essays on your exact essay questions, then have a look at our essay writing service.

Sign up and be the first to receive our latest offers: